Dawoodi Bohra

Dawoodi Bohras are a subset of the Taiyebi sect of the Musta'li branch of Isma'ilism, itself a branch of Shia Islam.^{[10]: 1–4} Reverence for the Fatimid Imams, whose lineage traces back to Mohammed's daughter Fatima is fundamental to Bohras' beliefs.

The Fatimids, descendants of the Prophet Mohammed, ruled over North Africa and Egypt, Hejaz, and the Levant between the 10th and 11th centuries.^[8] They flourished during what Maurice Lombard called the Golden Age of Islam,^[11] and were patrons of arts, learning, and scientific discovery.^[10] The 14th Imam, al-Mui’zz, founded the city of Cairo and established Al-Azhar University, one of the oldest universities in the world.^[12]

Before the empire's decline, Al-Amir bi-Ahkam Allah, the 20th Fatimid imam, directed his grand emissary, Arwa bint Ahmad, the Sulayhid queen of Yemen, to establish the office of the Da'i al-Mutlaq (lit. 'unrestricted missionary') to act as vicegerent for his son, the 21st Imam Al-Tayyib Abu'l-Qasim and to lead the faithful.^[10] Arwa bint Ahmad appointed Zoeb bin Musa as the first Da'i al-Mutlaq.^[13][14]

Succession to the office of al-Da'i al-Mutlaq happens through nass, whereby each Da'i appoints a successor in his own lifetime. As of 2024^[update] the chain of succession was uninterrupted.^[15]

The roots of the community's establishment in India go back to the Fatimid era, when Al Mustansir Billah, the 18th Imam, sent a Dai named Abdullah from Yemen to initiate the Da’wah on his behalf. Abdullah arrived in Cambay (modern day Khambhat, Gujarat) in AD 1067/H 460 and soon won many converts, including local rulers. Abdullah was the first Wali ( representative) in India.^[16][17]

The seclusion of al-Tayyib led to the establishment of the office of al-Dai al-Mutlaq in Yemen. The Indian community which had pledged allegiance to the Fatimids continued to remain loyal to the Dais in Yemen. This resulted in a secession with the Hafizis, led by Al-Tayyib's uncle, Abd al-Majid. Twenty-three Dais operated from their mountain bases in Yemen for nearly four centuries, preserving the faith and authoring seminal works. The 19th Dai, Idris Imaduddin, wrote numerous works, including a comprehensive and detailed history of the Fatimid faith.^[10]

Meanwhile, the community in Gujarat had maintained ties with their Dais in Yemen, who closely supervised their affairs and regularly welcomed Bohra delegations from Gujarat. During this time, the community grew in size, especially in Cambay, Patan, Sidhpur, and Ahmedabad.^[16][18]

Yusuf bin Sulayman Najmuddin, originally from Sidhpur, a town in Gujarat, was one of the Bohras who travelled to Yemen to seek knowledge from the Dai. Najmuddin arrived in Yemen while still in his youth and first studied under Hasan bin Nuh al-Bharuchi. He was eventually appointed the 23rd Dai as his successor and became the first from the Indian community to lead the Tayyibi Da’wa as the 24th al-Mutlaq. When Najmuddin died in CE 1567/H 974, the central headquarters of the Da’wah were transferred from Yemen to Gujarat by his Indian successor, Jalal bin Hasan.^[16]

When the 26th al-Dai al-Mutlaq died in CE 1589/H 997, he was succeeded by Dawood Bin Qutubshah. However, three years later, Sulayman bin Hasan, a high-ranking dignitary in Yemen, claimed the succession to the leadership of the community for himself. This succession dispute was brought before the Mughal emperor Akbar in 1597. A special tribunal decided in favour of Dawood Bin Qutubshah. However, this did not dissolve tensions, leading to a schism in the community. A majority of Bohras acknowledged Dawood Bin Qutubshah as the rightful successor and henceforth came to be known as Dawoodis (or Da’udis.)^[19]

Over the next few centuries, the Bohra headquarters moved within India with the changing location of the Dai. The centre of the Da’wah has been in six places: Ahmedabad (eight Dais, from 1567/974 to 1655/1065); Jamnagar in the Kathiawar region of Gujarat (five Dais, from 1655/1065 to 1737/1150); Ujjan in the present-day state of Madhya Pradesh (two Dais, from 1737/1150 to 1779/1193); Burhanpur, Madhya Pradesh (one Dai, from 1779/1193 to 1785/1200); Surat in the present-day state of Gujarat (eight Dais, from 1785/1200 to 1933/1351) and Mumbai in the state of Maharashtra, where the current Dai resides.^[20]

Starting in the early 19th century, some community members emigrated in search of better livelihoods. The first wave of Bohra traders to migrate to East Africa did so in the aftermath of a severe drought in Kathiawar. The 43rd Dai, Abdeali Saifuddin, invited 12,000 of his followers to Surat, and provided food, work and lodgings for all of them. His only conditions were that they learn and practice vocational skills, and he gave them their earnings when it was time for them to leave Surat. Many from this group decided to use this capital to venture forth to trade in East Africa.^[21]

A century on from Abdeali Saifuddin, Taher Saifuddin acceded to the office of al-Dai al-Mutlaq as the 51st Dai, He is credited with revitalising the community by restructuring its organisation on modern lines.^[22]

He shifted the community headquarters from Surat to Mumbai, which had become a major centre of trade and commerce in India.^[16] His emphasis on acquiring higher education across disciplines^[23] saw many young Dawoodi Bohras go on to settle in different parts of the world, resulting in thriving new communities.

As Muslims, the Dawoodi Bohras believe in Tawhid, Islam's central monotheistic concept of a single, indivisible God (Allah). They recite the Shahada (Islamic holy creed): "There is no god but Allah, Muhammad is the Messenger of Allah, Ali is the guardian of Allah".

Walayah – devotion to Allah, Muhammad, his family, and his descendants – is the most important of the seven pillars of Islam according to the Dawoodi Bohra faith.

The other six pillars are tahaarat (purity in body and thought), salah (daily ritual prayers), zakaat (offering a portion of one's income in the cause of Allah), sawm (fasting in the month of Ramadan), hajj (a ritual pilgrimage to Mecca), and jihad (striving in the way of Allah).^[13] The Bohras build mosques wherever they live^[24] to congregate for prayers and majalis (religious congregation) for the zikr of Allah and his prophets, imams, and da'is.^[25]

During the seclusion of the Imam, his vicegerent, al-Dai al-Mutlaq^[16] was appointed to lead the community and administer, with complete authority, its secular and religious affairs.^[26]

The Dai preaches Quranic precepts, which are the foundation of the faith, and guides the community on the path of salvation. Over the nine centuries that this office has existed, each Dai is considered to have played an important role in shaping the community's social and economic progress. Community members seek and abide by his counsel in different aspects of life.^[10]

The 1st Dai, Dhu'ayb bin Musa, was appointed in 1138 (532H) in Yemen by Queen Arwa bint Ahmed when the 21st Imam went into seclusion.^[16] Over the next 400 years, 23 Dais established the Dawat in Yemen. The seat of the Dawat then transferred from Yemen to India, where the 24th Dai, Yusuf bin Sulayman Najmuddin, became the first Dai to assume office from this region.^[16] Despite territorial and political upheavals through different periods, the Dais persevered and continued to lead the faithful and preserve the faith.^[10]

The current leader of the Dawoodi Bohra community is the 53rd al-Dai al-Mutlaq, Aali Qadr Mufaddal Saifuddin, who lives in India.^[27][28]

As of 2021, there are an estimated 1 million Dawoodi Bohras around the world.^[2] The majority reside in the India and Pakistan. A sizeable diaspora is spread across Europe, North America, the Middle East, and East Africa.^[29]

The Bohras are primarily traders and businesspersons,^[30] while some are industrialists and skilled professionals.^[31]

The word Bohra takes root in the Gujarati word vohrvu, in reference to their traditional occupation as traders.^[32][33] The prefix Dawoodi is in reference to Dawood Bin Qutubshah, the 27th Da'i al-Mutlaq,^[14] who emerged as the leader of the majority following a schism in 1588.^[14][1]

Dawoodi Bohras culture is a blend of Yemeni, Egyptian, Pakistani, and Indian cultures.^[34] Their language Lisan al-Dawat, written in Perso-Arabic script, derives from Arabic, Urdu, Persian, Sanskrit, and Gujarati.^[35][36][37] Lisan al-Dawat, which takes its basic structure from Gujarati developed as a medium to articulate Islamic values and heritage. Though Arabic remains community's dominant liturgical language, Lisan al-Dawat is its language of sermons and its medium of official and day-to-day communication.^[38]

The Dawoodi Bohras wear distinct attire. The men traditionally dress in a predominantly white, three-piece outfit: kurta, a form of tunic; saaya, an overcoat of equal length; and izaar, loose-fit trousers; with topi, a crocheted white cap with a gold design.^[39] Men, adhering to the customs of Muhammad, are expected to grow a full beard.^[40]

The women wear a two-piece dress called rida, distinct from hijab, purdah, and chador. Its distinguishing features are bright colors, decorative patterns and lace, and the fact that it does not cover a woman's face.^[41] The rida is of any colour except black. A flap called pardi is folded to one side to allow a woman's face to be visible, but it can be worn over the face when desired.^[42]

Joining each other for meals is a well-known Dawoodi Bohra custom. Families and friends gather around sharing the meal from a large circular tray called thaal.^[10] The thaal is raised upon a kundali or tarakti made of wood or metal, on top of a safra, a large cloth that covers the floor. Each course of the meal is served one after the other for those seated at the thaal to share.^[43][44]

The meal begins and ends with a taste of salt, traditionally said to cleanse the palate and prevent diseases.^[43][44] Bohras usually wear a topi (cap)during the meal and eat with their hands.^[42] A common etiquette is for the host to offer to wash their guests' hands using a chilamchi lota (basin and jug).^[45] At community feasts, the Bohras first eat mithaas (sweet dish), followed by kharaas (savoury dish), and then the main course.^[44][46] Food wastage is frowned upon. Those seated at the thaal are encouraged to take smaller portions and expected to finish those.^[47]

The Bohra cuisine, influenced by Gujarati,^[48] Persian, Yemeni, and Egyptian cuisines,^[49][50] is known for its unique taste and dishes such as bohra-style biryani,^[51] dal chaawal palidu (rice, lentils, and curry), kheema samosa (minced mutton samosa), dabba gosht (steamed-mutton-in-a-box), and masala bateta (spicy potatoes).^[45][50][52]

Islam prohibits riba (lit. 'usury') and interest; the Dawoodi Bohras follow the practice of Qardan Hasana^[a] (lit. 'good loan'),^[54][55] which means interest-free loans.^[54] Based on the ideal of benefitting the borrower (as opposed to the lender), this model has played an important role in the economic growth of the community.^[56]

Qardan Hasana contributions from the Bohras are voluntarily made to an institutionally-maintained loan corpus, which is also funded in large part by the Da'i al-Mutlaq. The office of the Da'i al-Mutlaq has appointed committees at the city level to oversee the management of this corpus. The Bohras use these loans to finance their enterprises, acquire homes, and pursue higher education.^[56][57]

The rite of initiation for the Bohras is the mithaq. This ceremony is a covenant between the believer and God, effected through God's representative on earth. The mithaq binds a believer to the duties owed to Allah, including an oath of allegiance: a vow to accept the spiritual guidance of the Da'i al-Mutlaq wholeheartedly and without reservation. This ceremony, akin to baptism in Christianity, is mandatory to enter the fold of the faith.

The mithaq is first taken at whatever age a child is deemed to have reached maturity: most commonly, thirteen years for girls, fourteen or fifteen for boys. These vows are renewed throughout of a Bohra's adult life. ^[58]

The Dawoodi Bohra follow a Fatimid-era tabular calendar which matches the lunar cycle of 354 days (and hence requires no adjustments).^[13]: 318 The odd-numbered months have 30 days and the even-numbered months have 29 days—except in a leap year when the 12th and final month, Zil Hajj, has 30 days. This contrasts with other Muslim communities, which base the beginnings of specific Islamic months on sightings of the moon crescent.^[59]

Dawoodi Bohras observe all significant occasions on the Muslim calendar, such as Muharram, Ramadan, Eid al Fitr and Eid al Adha and Mawlid al Nabi. They also observe some occasions particular to their sect, such as the death anniversaries of previous dais and the birthday of the current dai. These occasions typically bring together members of the community for educational sermons and communal meals.

During Ramadan, the 9th month of the Islamic calendar, the Dawoodi Bohras like rest of Islamic world, observe a mandatory fast from dawn to dusk. The Bohras congregate in their local mosques for daily prayers (particularly for the evening prayers), and break the day-long fast with the iftaar (lit. 'fast breaking') meal together. Ramadan is a month of heightened spirituality activity for the Bohras that ends with Eid al-Fitr.

In the month of Zil Hajj the Bohras undertake hajj and all celebrate Eid al-Adha at its conclusion. In line with Shia traditions, on the 18th of Zil Hajj, the day Muhammad publicly anointed Ali ibn Abi Talib his successor, the Bohras mark celebrate Eid i-Ghadir by, observe fasting, and offering special prayers. Special prayers and congregations are also held during other major events such as the day Muhammad first began his Da'wah (lit. 'mission'), the night of Isra and Mi'raj, the birthday of Muhammad, the urs mubarak (lit. 'remembrance day') of prominent community leaders, and the birthday of the current Da'i al-Mutlaq.

The grandson of Prophet Muhammad Husayn ibn Ali was martyred along with his family and companions on the plains of Karbala while on a journey from Mecca, through the deserts of modern-day Iraq, to Kufa.^[60][61] The Bohras believe that Husayn's sacrifice was foretold by Muhammad, and that he was destined to change the course of Islam as a result of his martyrdom.^[62] Remembrance of the martyrdom of Husayn ibn Ali, often linked to the hagiography of John the Baptist^[63] and Jesus Christ,^[64] is among the most important events of the year for the Bohras.^[31]

Known as ʿAshara Mubāraka (lit. 'the Blessed Ten'), the Dawoodi Bohras congregate for a series of ten majālis (lit. 'congregations') in the beginning of the month of ^[65][66] For them, Husayn ibn Ali's martyrdom epitomizes the values of humanity, justice, and truth.^[67] They consider his sacrifice and stand against tyranny, to offer lessons in bravery, loyalty, and compassion.^[68] These values, they believe, inculcate in them a spirit of self-sacrifice, forbearance, and adherence to their faith.^[65][68]

During the ʿAshara Mubāraka, the Bohra communities all over the world host a series of majālis twice a day, one each in the morning and in the evening, recounting Husayn ibn Ali's sacrifice, which forms the central theme of the discourse.^[67] The majālis led by the Da'i al-Mutlaq on occasion attract hundreds of thousands of followers.^[69][70][71]

To facilitate marriages among the Dawoodi Bohra, Taher Saifuddin, the 51st Da'i al-Mutlaq, started Rasm-e Saifee^[72] in Jamnagar c. 1952 and later institutionalised it c. 1963.^[73] During Rasm-e Saifee multiple nikah are solemnized at the hands of the Da'i al-Mutlaq and his representatives.

Saifuddin's son and successor, Mohammed Burhanuddin, founded the International Taiseer al-Nikah Committee (ITNC),^[73] which now organizes Rasm-e Saifee throughout the year at various religious events.^[74] Burhanuddin's successor, Mufaddal Saifuddin, continues to uphold the tradition.^[75][76]

It is customary among the Bohras to visit mausoleums, mosques, and other places of religious importance in Palestine, Jordan, Syria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Iran, Iraq, and India. In most places, a community-administered complex (mazaar) provides accommodation, business centers, dining, and various recreational activities to the traveling Bohras.^{[citation needed]}

A Bohra mausoleum typically has white exteriors with a golden finial at the apex of the dome. The interior is usually lit up in incandescent light and Quranic verses are inscribed on its walls. These mausoleums embody several meanings in the form of their structure and build.^{[citation needed]} As an example, Raudat Tahera, an austere structure in Mumbai, has a range of intricacies its design. The inner height of Raudat Tahera is 80 feet above the plinth: the number signifies the age of Taher Saifuddin, who is buried there. The sanctum of the mausoleum is 51 × 51 feet, which symbolises Saifuddin's position as the 51st Dai al-Mutlaq. The entire Quran is inscribed in gold on its walls, whilst Bismillah is engraved 113 times in precious stones, and four doors, one on each side of the wall, are clad with silver.^[77] The inner side of the dome proclaims, "Allah holds the sky and earth together which none else can."^[78]

The office of the Da'i al-Mutlaq, known as Dawat-e-Hadiyah, manages the affairs of the close-knit Dawoodi Bohra community through a distributed network of Jamaat committees.^[79][35] The Dawat-e-Hadiyah head office is at Badri Mahal in Fort, Mumbai.^[80]

Several sub-committees and trusts administer different aspects of a local Bohra community under the purview of respective Jamat (also called Anjuman). Set up anywhere Bohras live and work, a jamat may number from a hundred to tens of thousands of Bohras.^[79] A resident Amil, appointed by the dai is the president of a given jamat.^[35] and administers and manages its socio-religious affairs. At the local mosque or markaz under his jurisdiction, the Amil leads daily prayers, and presides over sermons and discourses.^[79]

The masjid is the nuclues of Dawoodi Bohra communitiesarounf the world. It was often the practice ofBohras who migrated to a new city or country to build a masjid (or a markaz- community center- if it was not possible to build a masjid). While a Dawoodi Bohra masjid is primarily a place of worship and congregation, it forms an important socio-cultural center for the community, the masjids are also a center for education and sessions of learning, in line with Fatimid traditions. A masjid complex usually houses a dining hall for communal meals, called a mawaid or jamaat khana, as well as classrooms and administrative offices.^[81] The masjid are predominantly constructed in a distinct Neo-Fatimid style,^{[81] [82][83][84]} with the names of Allah and verses from the Quran engraved on its walls.^[81][85] Some Dawoodi Bohra masjids in India, such as the newly restored Saifee Masjid in Bhendi Bazaar, Mumbai, feature a fusion of Fatimid, Indian, and classical architecture. The masjids are usually multi-storied structures, the main prayer hall on the ground floor is used by men while women participate in prayers and sermons from large galleries on the floors. ^{[24][25][86][87][88]} Building new and restoring old masjids is an important part of Dawoodi Bohra culture. The last half-century has seen a surge in the building of Bohra masjids across the world, especially after the landmark restoration of al-Jami al-Anwar (the mosque of al-Hakim) in Cairo in 1980.

A Bohra community (or jamaat) is centered around a markaz when there is no existing mosque nearby.^{[citation needed]}

Communal meals are served in dining halls called the jamaat khaana, which are generally part of the mosque complex.^[81]

In 2012, Mohammed Burhanuddin, the 52nd Da'i al-Mutlaq, established Faiz al-Mawaid al-Burhaniyah (FMB) community kitchens to deliver at least one meal per day to all Bohra families and to ensure no one goes to bed hungry. FMB proved beneficial to women in particular as household work reduced, freeing up time to pursue other activities.^[51][89] Meals are delivered in tiffin containers daily, and have a rotating menu.^[90] As of 2021, FMB community kitchens, usually built near mosques,^[91] are operational in every Bohra community throughout the world.^[35][90]

Whilst FMB has substantially increased food security within the Bohra community,^[92] in times of crisis (such as natural disaster or the COVID-19 pandemic), it has also supplied meals and provisions to the wider society.^[93][94]

In line with Islamic traditions,^[95] the Bohras seek both religious and secular education.^[96][97] Women's education is encouraged,^[91][98][99] and higher education is common in the community.^[100]

The community-run Madrasah Saifiyah Burhaniyah (MSB) chain of international co-ed schools teach sciences, humanities, and arts. In 1984, Mohammed Burhanuddin established the first MSB schools in Nairobi and Mumbai.^[97] As of 2021, 24 MSB schools operate in southeast Asia the Middle East and Africa affiliated to IGCSE and ICSE boards.^[101]

Aljamea-tus-Saifiyah (Jamea) is the community's primary educational and cultural institute. Selected students pursue rigorous Islamic and Arabic studies for up to 11 years,^[102] and are trained to subsequently lead various institutions Dawat-e-Hadiyah.^[103][104] Aljamea's predecessor is Dars-e-Saifee, an Islamic theology school established by the 43rd Da'i al-Mutlaq Abdeali Saifuddin, in 1814 in Surat, Gujarat. A century later, the 51st Da'i al-Mutlaq Taher Saifuddin renovated and institutionalized it as a university.^[105] His son and successor, Mohammed Burhanuddin, further expanded its reach and scope, opening campuses in three more cities and establishing a dedicated center for Qur'anic sciences, Mahad al-Zahra.^[106] The second campus was founded in 1983 in Karachi, Pakistan. A third campus was established in Nairobi, Kenya in 2011, and a fourth in 2013 in Mumbai, India.^[107] The libraries of Jamea preserve rare Arabic manuscripts.^[106] Other departments of Jamea specialize in the art of Quran recitation, Arabic calligraphy, and Arabesque design.^[108]

A significant volume of literature, from Fatimid-era text to treatises, discourses and poetry the Dua't Mutlaqeen are part of the Jamea curriculum.^[109] Per tradition, the current Da'i al-Mutlaq presides over annual examinations (al-Imtihan al-Sanawi) every year. Senior Jamea students additionally undergo a public viva voce examination where they are questioned by rectors of the institute and occasionally by the Da'i al-Mutlaq.^[110]

The status of women in the Bohra community underwent a major change in the latter half of the 20th century. According to Jonah Blank, women of the Bohra faith are among the best-educated women in the Indian subcontinent.^[111] Female Bohra around the world have become business owners, lawyers, doctors, teachers and leaders in a range of professions.^[112] At an interfaith celebration of Eid al-Fitr hosted by the Bohra community of Detroit, Michigan, United States on 7 June 2019, U.S. Congresswoman Brenda Lawrence (Democrat, Michigan's 14th congressional district) praised the Bohras for having "used their voices to make progress on countless issues including gender equality and the environment."^[113]

Bohra women integrate business and work with their religious practices and cultural ethos, bolstered by time honoured community principles of women empowerment that can be traced back all the way to the Prophet Mohammed's wife Khadija.Traditionally engaged in physical businesses, women as well as men are now increasingly expanding and transitioning to digital entrepreneurship, utilizing online platforms to market diverse products.^[114] Supported by community institutions, they receive financial aid, training, and access to virtual markets, showcasing how digital ventures empower women while also allowing them to fulfil their commitments to their families.^[115]

The Dawoodi Bohra practice what they call khatna,^[116] khafd,^[117] or khafz,^[118] a practice critics consider female genital mutilation (FGM). The procedure is for the most part performed without anaesthesia by a traditional circumciser when girls reach their seventh year.^[119] Non-Bohra women who seek to marry into the community are also required to undergo it.^[120] There are no authoritative studies on the extent of the practice among the Bohra.^[117][121] A 1911 Bombay census of unknown reliability noted that they were performing clitoridectomy.^[122] According to a 1991 article in Manushi, the Bohra remove either the clitoral hood or the tip of the clitoris.^[123][124] Supporters of the practice say that the Bohra remove only the clitoral hood or perform symbolic nicking, and that it should be referred to as "female circumcision", not FGM.^[118]

A qualitative study in 2018 carried out by WeSpeakOut, a group opposed to FGM,^[125] concluded that most Bohra girls experience Type I FGM, removal of the clitoral hood or clitoral glans.^[126][127] A gynaecologist who took part in the study examined 20 Bohra women and found that both the clitoris and clitoral hood had been cut in most cases.^[b] According to the Dawoodi Bohra Women's Association for Religious Freedom, the study's conclusions did not reflect the views of most Bohra women.^[127] In Australia in 2018, the convictions of three members of the Bohra community, related to performing FGM on two girls, were overturned when the appeal court accepted that the tip of each girl's clitoris was still visible and had not been "mutilated"; the defence position was that only "symbolic khatna" had been performed.^[129] The High Court of Australia overturned that decision in October 2019, ruling that the phrase "otherwise mutilates" in Australian law does encompass cutting or nicking the clitoris. As a result, the convictions were upheld, and the defendants received custodial sentences of at least 11 months.^[130]

The Bohras are considered politically neutral.^{[133][134][135]} The community's stance, in line with sunnah,^[136] has been to be loyal to one's country of residence.^{[137][138][139]} A migratory community,^[140] they participate in the culture and society they live in,^[47] but stay conservative enough to Epistles of Ikhwan al-Safa.^[141] This leads to their belief that every religion is related to one another,^[142] that all of creation shares the same purpose.^[143] and that true fulfillment is in achieving balance between religious and societal duties, in resourcefulness philanthropy and environmental responsibility.^{[144][145][146]}

In 1991, Mohammed Burhanuddin established the Burhani Foundation, a charitable trust for environmental awareness, conservation of biological diversity, effective utilisation of resources, pollution control, and other related cause.^[10] In 2017, Mufaddal Saifuddin, Burhanuddin's successor, initiated a worldwide program to plant 200,000 tree saplings.^[147] In 2018, the Bohras, together with Champion of the Earth, launched Turning the Tide, a campaign to remove plastic from oceans, rivers, and beaches.^{[148][149][150]} On 6 November 2023, ahead of the COP28 World leaders summit, Shahzada Husain Burhanuddin on behalf of his fatherSyedna Mufaddal Saifuddin, attended the COP28 Global Faith leaders summit among 28 Faith leaders in Abu Dhabi and signed a joint appeal to take meaningful action in addressing climate crisis.^[151]

Under the aegis of FMB, the Dana Committee (lit. 'food grain committee') aims to eliminate food wastage. As of 2021, the committee has 6000 volunteers across 40 countries. After congregations, these volunteers collect untouched leftovers and distribute them to the deprived.^[152] To prevent wastage of food due to excess cooking or poor turnout, the committee uses custom web and mobile RSVP apps. Before a meal commences, volunteers remind attendees of their responsibility as Muslims^[c] in ensuring no food goes to waste.^[155] The Bohras also participate in the United Nations' annual World Food Day campaigns.^[156]

In September 2018, the Golden Book of World Record (GBWR) recognized and awarded the Dawoodi Bohra community for undertaking the largest zero-waste religious event as part of the community's Ashara Mubaraka sermons in Indore. The event was attended by 150,000 Bohras, who had gathered in Indore to commemorate Ashara Mubaraka with Mufaddal Saifuddin, the 53rd Da'i al-Mutlaq.^[157] This zero-waste policy was also adopted at the 2019 Ashara Mubaraka in Colombo. Dana Committee volunteers helped with portion control and distributed leftover food to the disadvantaged.^[158] In line with the UAE's policy to mark 2023 as the Year of Sustainability, the 2023 Ashara Mubaraka in Dubai, attended by more than 75,000, also adopted a zero food wastage policy. The Ashara Mubaraka congregations also aligned with the UAE's waste-to-energy initiative, in which organic waste collected during meals is converted into energy. ^[159]

Project Rise

In June 2018, the Bohra community launched Project Rise, a philanthropy programme focused on the marginalized and the poor. Their first initiative, undertaken in collaboration with Action Against Hunger, sought to address malnutrition among those living in Palghar and Govandi districts of Maharashtra, India.^[160][161] During the 2019 floods, volunteers sent aid to the Indian states of Kerala, Karnataka, Maharashtra, and Gujarat;^[162] while during the 2020 lockdown in India, volunteers distributed food packets among the poor.^[163][164] In 2020, Narendra Modi, the Prime Minister of India acknowledged the community's social service.^[165] In 2019 and 2020, volunteers in North America marked United Nations World Food Day by donating to local food banks.^[166][156] Since then, based on Islamic traditions of philanthropy,^[d] Project Rise has expanded to launch programs that focus on healthcare, nutrition, sanitation and hygiene, and environmental conservation.^[167] As part of these drives, volunteers attempt to raise the standard of living of the disadvantaged through revamped housing, access to food, and improved well-being.^{[168][169][170]}

In 2009, Mohammed Burhanuddin, the 52nd Da'i al-Mutlaq, established Saifee Burhani Upliftment Trust (SBUT) to undertake one of urban India's largest makeover projects believed to impact lives of around 20,000 people. It's mandate was to rebuild Bhendi Bazaar—a decrepit, under-developed, and dense muslim-majority locale in South Bombay. The redevelopment project spans over an area of 16.5 acres comprising 250 decrepit buildings, 3,200 families, and 1,250 shops.The area is being transformed into a healthy and sustainable development comprising 11 new towers, wider roads, modern infrastructure, open spaces and highly visible commercial areas. Relocated residential and commercial tenants will own their new premises at no cost to them. Due to the scope of the project the largest "cluster redevelopment" project in India at an estimated cost of $550 million (₹4000 crores),^[171] it has been subject to logistical and regulatory challenges, resulting in several delays.^[172]

Starting in 2010, the trust began building transit homes near Mazagaon. In 2012, the trust relocated tenants and demolished buildings it had acquired.^[172] More transit homes were built in Sion, Ghodapdeo, and Sewri.^[171] In early 2016, Mufaddal Saifuddin laid foundation for Clusters I and III.^[173][174] In 2020, 600 residents and 128 shop owners were relocated to the completed twin towers called Al Saadah,^{[175][176][177]} marking completion of the project's first phase.^[178]

After completing the first phase of the project SBUT initiated construction work on the second phase of the project in February 2021.

Syedna Mufaddal Saifuddin inaugurated the newly reconstructed Saifee Masjid and its complex on the eve of Milad al Nabi in September 2023.This complex known as Sector 1 was demolished and redeveloped with modern sustainable amenities and a commercial shopping arcade.

• Succession to 52nd Dai al-Mutlaq
• List of Dai of Dawoodi Bohra
• Progressive Dawoodi Bohra

• Shibani Roy (2007) [1984]. The Dawoodi Bohras: an anthropological perspective. B.R. Publishing. ISBN 9780865903241.
• Idris Imad al-Din ibn al-Hasan al-Quraishi (1970) [1488]. Uyun al-akhbar wa-funun al-athar fi faḍail al-Aimmah al-aṭhar. Silsilat al-turāth al-Fāṭimī. Vol. 6. Translated by Mustafa Ghalib. Dar al-Andalus. p. 738. LCCN n85038131.
  • "First Arabic Edition of 'Uyun al-akhbar in collaboration with IFPO". Institute of Ismaili Studies. 2 February 2020.
• Farhad Daftary (1998). A Short History of the Ismailis: Traditions of a Muslim Community. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 9780748606870. ISSN 0075-093X. {{cite book}}: |journal= ignored (help)
• Farhad Daftary (1992). The Isma'ilis: Their History and Doctrines. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521429740.
• Joseph W. Meri; Jere L. Bacharach, eds. (2005). Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia. Vol. 1. Routledge. ISBN 9781135455965.
• Farhad Daftary. "Sayyida Hurra: The Isma'ili Sulayhid Queen of Yemen" (PDF). Institute of Ismaili Studies. Archived from the original on 23 June 2020. Retrieved 23 June 2020.
• Farhad Daftary, ed. (2001). Mediaeval Isma'ili History and Thought. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521003100.
• Simonetta Calderini (1996). "Cosmology and Authority in Medieval Ismailism". Diskus. 4 (1): 11–22. Archived from the original on 23 June 2020.
• Farhad Daftary (2005). Ismaili Literature: A Bibliography of Sources and Studies. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 9780857713865.
• M. J. L. Young; John Derek Latham; Robert Bertram Serjeant (2006). Religion, learning, and science in the ʻAbbasid period. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521028875.
• Garry W. Trompf; Gunner B. Mikkelsen; Jay Johnston, eds. (2018). The Gnostic World. Routledge. ISBN 9781317201847.
• Electricwala, Mohammed Abbas (2015). Intellectual upliftment through memorization of Quran: A social aspect. inflibnet.ac.in (Thesis). Shri Jagdishparasad Jhabarmal Tibrewala University. hdl:10603/135136. Archived from the original on 18 June 2020 – via shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in.
• Farhad Daftary (2017). Ismaili History and Intellectual Traditions. Routledge. ISBN 9781351975032.
• Netton, Ian Richard (May 2011). "In the Age of Al-Fārābī: Arabic Philosophy in the Fourth-tenth Century". Journal of Islamic Studies (Review). 22 (2): 247–248. doi:10.1093/jis/etr005.
• Peter Adamson, ed. (2006). Women And the Fatimids in the World of Islam. London: Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 9780748626298.
• Heinz Halm (1997). The Fatimids and Their Traditions of Learning. Ismaili Studies. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781850439202.
• James W. Morris, ed. (2020). The Master and the Disciple: An Early Islamic Spiritual Dialogue. Bloomsbury Academic. ISBN 9780755602629.
• Farhad Daftary; Shainool Jiwa, eds. (2017). The Fatimid Caliphate: Diversity of Traditions. Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 9781786733092.
• John Eberly (2005). Al-Kimia: The Mystical Islamic Essence of the Sacred Art of Alchemy. Sophia Perennis. ISBN 9781597310109.
• Hill, Geoffrey (2015). "Dawoodi Bohra implementation of meaning making methods for successful establishment in Western societies". Uppsala: Uppsala University. Archived from the original on 29 June 2020 – via diva-portal.org. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

• Official website
• An Introduction to The Dawoodi Bohras on YouTube