Defnyddiwr:Duncan Brown/Pwll Tywod

Gydag un eithriad (y rhai yn Timor a Phapwa Gini Newydd, y baedd gwyllt yw hynafiad bridiau moch yr Hen Fyd.^[1]. Dengys tystiolaeth archaeolegol i foch gael eu hyweddu o'r baedd gwyllt mor gynnar â 13,000–12,700 CC yn y Dwyrain Agos yn nyffryn y Tigris^[2] lle'u rheolid yn y gwyllt nid yn anhebyg i'r modd y mae Giniwyr Newydd yn eu rheoli heddiw.^[3]

Cafwyd gweddillion moch wedi eu dyddio y gyfnod cyn 11,400 BC yn Cyprus. Bernir bod yr anifeiliaid yna wedi eu cyflwyno o'r tir mawr cyfagos sy'n awgrymu hyweddu yno cyn hynny.^[4] Roedd yna hefyd hyweddiad ar wahan yn Tseina tua 8000 o flynyddoedd yn ôl.^[5][6]. Agryma dystiolaeth DNAo ddeunydd lled-ffosilaidd o ddannedd ac esgyrn gên mewn moch Neolithig bod y moch domestig cyntaf yn Ewrop yn hannu o'r Dwyrain Agos. Yn ei dro fe ysgogodd hyn hyweddiad y boblogogaeth leol gan arwain at drydedd hyweddiad a barodd i enynau rhai y Dwyrain Agos ddiflannu o gyff y moch Ewropeaidd. Bu cyfnewidiadau cymhleth yn hanes moch domestig modern gydag allforio'r cyff Ewropeaidd yn ôl i'r Dwyrain Agos drachrefn^[7][8]

Awgryma gofnodion hanesyddol (dogfennol) i foch o Asia gael eu cyflwyno yn ystod yr 18ed. ganrif a'r 19eg ganrif gynnar.^[5]

Tuedda foch domestig feddu ar benôl mwy datblygedig na'u hynafiaid gwyllt.^[9]

As of 2005^[update],^[10] 16 subspecies are recognised, which are divided into four regional groupings:

• Western: Includes S. s. scrofa, S. s. meridionalis, S. s. algira, S. s. attila, S. s. lybicus, and S. s. nigripes. These subspecies are typically high-skulled (though lybicus and some scrofa are low-skulled), with thick underwool and (excepting scrofa and attila) poorly developed manes.^[11]
• Indian: Includes S. s. davidi and S. s. cristatus. These subspecies have sparse or absent underwool, with long manes and prominent bands on the snout and mouth. While S. s. cristatus is high-skulled, S. s. davidi is low-skulled.^[11]
• Eastern: Includes S. s. sibiricus, S. s. ussuricus, S. s. leucomystax, S. s. riukiuanus, S. s. taivanus, and S. s. moupinensis. These subspecies are characterised by a whitish streak extending from the corners of the mouth to the lower jaw. With the exception of S. s. ussuricus, most are high-skulled. The underwool is thick, except in S. s. moupinensis, and the mane is largely absent.^[11]
• Indonesian: Represented solely by S. s. vittatus, it is characterised by its sparse body hair, lack of underwool, fairly long mane, a broad reddish band extending from the muzzle to the sides of the neck.^[11] It is the most basal of the four groups, having the smallest relative brain size, more primitive dentition and unspecialised cranial structure.^[12]

Subspecies	Image	Trinomial authority	Description	Range	Synonyms
Central European boar S. s. scrofa Nominate subspecies		Linnaeus, 1758	A medium-sized, dark to rusty-brown haired subspecies with long and relatively narrow lacrimal bones[13]	Much of continental Europe and into Eurasia	anglicus (Reichenbach, 1846), aper (Erxleben, 1777), asiaticus (Sanson, 1878), bavaricus (Reichenbach, 1846), campanogallicus (Reichenbach, 1846), capensis (Reichenbach, 1846), castilianus (Thomas, 1911), celticus (Sanson, 1878), chinensis (Linnaeus, 1758), crispus (Fitzinger, 1858), deliciosus (Reichenbach, 1846), domesticus (Erxleben, 1777), europaeus (Pallas, 1811), fasciatus (von Schreber, 1790), ferox (Moore, 1870), ferus (Gmelin, 1788), gambianus (Gray, 1847), hispidus (von Schreber, 1790), hungaricus (Reichenbach, 1846), ibericus (Sanson, 1878), italicus (Reichenbach, 1846), juticus (Fitzinger, 1858), lusitanicus (Reichenbach, 1846), macrotis (Fitzinger, 1858), monungulus (G. Fischer [von Waldheim], 1814), moravicus (Reichenbach, 1846), nanus (Nehring, 1884), palustris (Rütimeyer, 1862), pliciceps (Gray, 1862), polonicus (Reichenbach, 1846), sardous (Reichenbach, 1846), scropha (Gray, 1827), sennaarensis (Fitzinger, 1858), sennaarensis (Gray, 1868), sennaariensis (Fitzinger, 1860), setosus (Boddaert, 1785), siamensis (von Schreber, 1790), sinensis (Erxleben, 1777), suevicus (Reichenbach, 1846), syrmiensis (Reichenbach, 1846), turcicus (Reichenbach, 1846), variegatus (Reichenbach, 1846), vulgaris (S. D. W., 1836), wittei (Reichenbach, 1846)
North African boar S. s. algira		Loche, 1867	Sometimes considered a junior synonym of S. s. scrofa, but smaller and with proportionally longer tusks[14]	Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco	barbarus (Sclater, 1860) sahariensis (Heim de Balzac, 1937)
Carpathian boar S. s. attila		Thomas, 1912	A large-sized subspecies with long lacrimal bones and dark hair, though lighter-coloured than S. s. scrofa[13]	Romania, Hungary, Ukraine, Balkans, Caucasus, Transcaucasia, Caspian coast, Asia Minor and northern Iran	falzfeini (Matschie, 1918)
Indian boar S. s. cristatus		Wagner, 1839	A long-maned subspecies with a coat that is brindled black unlike S. s. davidi,[15] it is more lightly built than S. s. scrofa. Its head is larger and more pointed than that of S. s. scrofa, and its ears smaller and more pointed. The plane of the forehead is straight, while it is concave in S. s. scrofa.[16]	India, Nepal, Burma, western Thailand and Sri Lanka	affinis (Gray, 1847), aipomus (Gray, 1868), aipomus (Hodgson, 1842), bengalensis (Blyth, 1860), indicus (Gray, 1843), isonotus (Gray, 1868), isonotus (Hodgson, 1842), jubatus (Miller, 1906), typicus (Lydekker, 1900), zeylonensis (Blyth, 1851)
Central Asian boar S. s. davidi		Groves, 1981	A small, long-maned and light brown subspecies[15]	Pakistan and northwest India to southeastern Iran
Japanese boar S. s. leucomystax		Temminck, 1842	A small, almost maneless, yellowish-brown subspecies[15]	All of Japan, save for Hokkaido and the Ryukyu Islands	japonica (Nehring, 1885) nipponicus (Heude, 1899)
Anatolian boar S. s. libycus		Gray, 1868	A small, pale and almost maneless subspecies[15]	Transcaucasia, Turkey, Levant, and former Yugoslavia	lybicus (Groves, 1981) mediterraneus (Ulmansky, 1911) reiseri (Bolkay, 1925)
Maremman boar S. s. majori		De Beaux and Festa, 1927	Smaller than S. s. scrofa, with a higher and wider skull, since the 1950s, it has crossed extensively with S. s. scrofa, largely due to the two being kept together in meat farms and artificial introductions by hunters of S. s. scrofa specimens into S. s. majori habitats.[17] Its separation from S. s. scrofa is doubtful.[18]	Maremma (central Italy)
Mediterranean boar ''S. s. meridionalis		Forsyth Major, 1882	The subspecies is significantly smaller than S. s. scrofa. The fur is dull olive-fawn, underwool is sparse, and individuals mostly lack a mane.[19]	Andalusia, Corsica and Sardinia	baeticus (Thomas, 1912) sardous (Ströbel, 1882)
Northern Chinese boar S. s. moupinensis		Milne-Edwards, 1871	There are significant variations within this subspecies, and it is possible there are actually several subspecies involved.[15]	Coastal China south to Vietnam and west to Sichuan	acrocranius (Heude, 1892), chirodontus (Heude, 1888), chirodonticus (Heude, 1899), collinus (Heude, 1892), curtidens (Heude, 1892), dicrurus (Heude, 1888), flavescens (Heude, 1899), frontosus (Heude, 1892), laticeps (Heude, 1892), leucorhinus (Heude, 1888), melas (Heude, 1892), microdontus (Heude, 1892), oxyodontus (Heude, 1888), paludosus (Heude, 1892), palustris (Heude, 1888), planiceps (Heude, 1892), scrofoides (Heude, 1892), spatharius (Heude, 1892), taininensis (Heude, 1888)
Middle Asian boar S. s. nigripes		Blanford, 1875	A light coloured subspecies with black legs which, though varied in size, it is generally quite large, the lacrimal bones and facial region of the skull are shorter than those of S. s. scrofa and S. s. attila.[13]	Middle Asia, Kazakhstan, eastern Tien Shan, western Mongolia, Kashgar and possibly Afghanistan and southern Iran
Ryukyu boar S. s. riukiuanus		Kuroda, 1924	A small subspecies[15]	Ryukyu Islands
Trans-baikal boar S. s. sibiricus		Staffe, 1922	The smallest subspecies of the former Soviet region, it has dark brown, almost black hair and a light grey patch extending from the cheeks to the ears. The skull is squarish and the lacrimal bones short.[13]	Baikal, Transbaikalia, northern and northeastern Mongolia	raddeanus (Adlerberg, 1930)
Formosan boar S. s. taivanus		Swinhoe, 1863	A small blackish subspecies[15]	Taiwan
Ussuri boar S. s. ussuricus		Heude, 1888	The largest subspecies, it has usually dark hair and a white band extending from the corners of the mouth to the ears. The lacrimal bones are shortened, but longer than those of S. s. sibiricus.[13]	Eastern China, Ussuri and Amur bay	canescens (Heude, 1888), continentalis (Nehring, 1889), coreanus (Heude, 1897), gigas (Heude, 1892), mandchuricus (Heude, 1897), songaricus (Heude, 1897)
Banded pig S. s. vittatus		Boie, 1828	A small, short-faced and sparsely furred subspecies with a white band on the muzzle; it might be a separate species, and shows some similarities with some other suid species in Southeast Asia.[15]	From Peninsular Malaysia, and in Indonesia from Sumatra and Java east to Komodo	andersoni (Thomas and Wroughton, 1909), jubatulus (Miller, 1906), milleri (Jentink, 1905), pallidiloris (Mees, 1957), peninsularis (Miller, 1906), rhionis (Miller, 1906), typicus (Heude, 1899)

Mae baedd gwyllt yn pwyso 50 kg (110 lb) angen 4,000–4,500 o galoriau y dydd, er i'r anghenion hynny gynyddu yn ystod y gaeaf a beichiogrwydd.^[20] gyda mwyafrif ei ymborth yn dod o'r ddaear megid deunydd llysieuol ac anifeiliaid sy'n tyllu.^[13] Mes a chnau ffawydd yw'r bwyd pwysicaf yn ddiffael yn y parthau tymherusNodyn:Angen cyfeiriad gan eu bod yn gyfoethog yn y carbohidradau angenrheidiol ar gyfer crynhoi brasder wrth gefn i oroesi cyfnodau llwm.^[20] Yng Ngorllewin Ewrop, mae'r deunydd llysieuol tanddaearol mwyaf hoff ganddynt yn cynnwys rhedyn, helyglys, clorod , meadow herb roots and bulbs, and the bulbs of cultivated crops. Such food is favoured in early spring and summer, but may also be eaten in autumn and winter during beechnut and acorn crop failures. Should regular wild foods become scarce, boars will eat tree bark and fungi, as well as visit cultivated potato and artichoke fields.^[13] Boar soil disturbance and foraging have been shown to facilitate invasive plants.^[21][22] Boars of the vittatus subspecies in Ujung Kulon National Park in Java differ from most other populations by their primarily frugivorous diet, which consists of 50 different fruit species, especially figs, thus making them important seed dispersers.^[23] The wild boar can consume numerous genera of poisonous plants without ill effect, including Aconitum, Anemone, Calla, Caltha, Ferula, and Pteridium.^[24]

Boars may occasionally prey on small vertebrates like newborn deer fawns, leporids and galliform chicks.^[20] Boars inhabiting the Volga Delta and near some lakes and rivers of Kazakhstan have been recorded to feed extensively on fish like carp and Caspian roach. Boars in the former area will also feed on cormorant and heron chicks, bivalved molluscs, trapped muskrats and mice.^[13] There is at least one record of a boar killing and eating a bonnet macaque in southern India's Bandipur National Park, though this may have been a case of intraguild predation, brought on by interspecific competition for human handouts.^[25]

Piglets are vulnerable to attack from medium-sized felids like lynx, jungle cats and snow leopards and other carnivorans like brown bears and yellow-throated martens.^[13]

The grey wolf is the main predator of wild boar throughout most of its range. A single wolf can kill around 50 to 80 boars of differing ages in one year.^[13] In Italy^[26] and Belarus' Belovezhskaya Pushcha National Park, boars are the wolf's primary prey, despite an abundance of alternative, less powerful ungulates.^[26] Wolves are particularly threatening during the winter, when deep snow impedes the boars' movements. In the Baltic regions, heavy snowfall can allow wolves to eliminate boars from an area almost completely. Wolves primarily target piglets and subadults, and only rarely attack adult sows. Adult males are usually avoided entirely.^[13] Dholes may also prey on boars, to the point of keeping their numbers down in northwestern Bhutan, despite there being many more cattle in the area.^[27]

Leopards are predators of wild boar in the Caucasus, Transcaucasia, the Russian Far East, India, China,^[28] and Iran. In most areas, boars constitute only a small part of the leopard's diet. However, in Iran's Sarigol National Park, boars are the second most frequently targeted prey species after mouflon, though adult individuals are generally avoided, as they are above the leopard's preferred weight range of 10–40 kg (22–88 lb).^[29] This dependence on wild boar is largely due in part to the local leopard subspecies' large size.^[30]

Boars of all ages were once the primary prey of tigers in Transcaucasia, Kazakhstan, Middle Asia and the Far East up until the late 19th century. In modern times, tiger numbers are too low to have a limiting effect on boar populations. A single tiger can systematically destroy an entire sounder by preying on its members one by one, before moving on to another herd. Tigers have been noted to chase boars for longer distances than with other prey. In two rare cases, boars were reported to gore a small tiger and a tigress to death in self-defense.^[31] In the Amur region, wild boars are one of the two most important prey species for tigers alongside the Manchurian wapiti, with the two species collectively comprising roughly 80% of the felid's prey.^[32] In Sikhote Alin, a tiger can kill 30–34 boars a year.^[24] Studies of tigers in India indicate that boars are usually secondary in preference to various cervids and bovids,^[33] though when boars are targeted, healthy adults are caught more frequently than young and sick specimens.^[34]

On the islands of Komodo, Rinca, and Flores, the boar's main predator is the Komodo dragon.^[35]

The species originally occurred in North Africa and much of Eurasia; from the British Isles to Korea and the Sunda Islands. The northern limit of its range extended from southern Scandinavia to southern Siberia and Japan. Within this range, it was only absent in extremely dry deserts and alpine zones. It was once found in North Africa along the Nile valley up to Khartum and north of the Sahara. The species occurs on a few Ionian and Aegean Islands, sometimes swimming between islands.^[36] The reconstructed northern boundary of the animal's Asian range ran from Lake Ladoga (at 60°N) through the area of Novgorod and Moscow into the southern Urals, where it reached 52°N. From there, the boundary passed Ishim and farther east the Irtysh at 56°N. In the eastern Baraba steppe (near Novosibirsk) the boundary turned steep south, encircled the Altai Mountains, and went again eastward including the Tannu-Ola Mountains and Lake Baikal. From here the boundary went slightly north of the Amur River eastward to its lower reaches at the Sea of Okhotsk. On Sakhalin, there are only fossil reports of wild boar. The southern boundaries in Europe and Asia were almost invariably identical to the seashores of these continents. It is absent in the dry regions of Mongolia from 44–46°N southward, in China westward of Sichuan and in India north of the Himalayas. It is absent in the higher elevations of Pamir and Tien Shan, though they do occur in the Tarim basin and on the lower slopes of the Tien Shan.^[13]

In recent centuries, the range of wild boar has changed dramatically, largely due to hunting by humans and more recently because of captive wild boar escaping into the wild. Prior to the 20th century, boar populations had declined in numerous areas, with British populations probably becoming extinct during the 13th century.^[37] In Denmark, the last boar was shot at the beginning of the 19th century, and in 1900 they were absent in Tunisia and Sudan and large areas of Germany, Austria, and Italy. In Russia, they were extirpated in wide areas in the 1930s.^[13] The last boar in Egypt reportedly died on 20 December 1912 in the Giza Zoo, with wild populations having disappeared around 1894–1902. Prince Kamal el Dine Hussein attempted to repopulate Wadi El Natrun with boars of Hungarian stock, but they were quickly exterminated by poachers.^[38]

A revival of boar populations began in the middle of the 20th century. By 1950 wild boar had once again reached their original northern boundary in many parts of their Asiatic range. By 1960, they reached Leningrad and Moscow, and by 1975 they were to be found in Archangelsk and Astrakhan. In the 1970s they again occurred in Denmark and Sweden, where captive animals escaped and now survive in the wild. In England, wild boar populations re-established themselves in the 1990s, after escaping from specialist farms that had imported European stock.^[37]

Wild boars were apparently already becoming rare by the 11th century since a 1087 forestry law enacted by William the Conqueror punishes through blinding the unlawful killing of a boar. Charles I attempted to reintroduce the species into the New Forest, though this population was exterminated during the Civil War.

Between their medieval extinction and the 1980s, when wild boar farming began, only a handful of captive wild boar, imported from the continent, were present in Britain. Occasional escapes of wild boar from wildlife parks have occurred as early as the 1970s, but since the early 1990s significant populations have re-established themselves after escapes from farms, the number of which has increased as the demand for meat from the species has grown. A 1998 MAFF (now DEFRA) study on wild boar living wild in Britain confirmed the presence of two populations of wild boar living in Britain; one in Kent/East Sussex and another in Dorset.^[37] Another DEFRA report, in February 2008,^[39] confirmed the existence of these two sites as 'established breeding areas' and identified a third in Gloucestershire/Herefordshire; in the Forest of Dean/Ross on Wye area. A 'new breeding population' was also identified in Devon. There is another significant population in Dumfries and Galloway. Populations estimates were as follows:

• The largest population, in Kent/East Sussex, was then estimated at approximately 200 animals in the core distribution area.
• The second largest, in Gloucestershire/Herefordshire, was first estimated to be in excess of 100 animals. Legally classified as dangerous wild animals, the group is known to be feral descendants of domestic (Tamworth) pigs abandoned nearby. Their numbers grew by 2016 to at least 1500 and the Forestry Commission planned to reduce the total to a manageable 400. "Adult males can reach twenty stone (125 kg), run at thirty miles an hour, and can jump or barge through all but the strongest fences. Also, they are not afraid of humans, so (unlike deer) you can't just shoo them out of your garden."^[40]
• The smallest, in west Dorset, was estimated to be fewer than 50 animals.
• Since winter 2005/6 significant escapes/releases have also resulted in animals colonizing areas around the fringes of Dartmoor, in Devon. These are considered as an additional single 'new breeding population' and currently estimated to be up to 100 animals.

Population estimates for the Forest of Dean are disputed as at the time that the DEFRA population estimate was 100, a photo of a boar sounder in the forest near Staunton with over 33 animals visible was published, and at about the same time over 30 boar were seen in a field near the original escape location of Weston under Penyard many miles away. In early 2010 the Forestry Commission embarked on a cull,^[41] with the aim of reducing the boar population from an estimated 150 animals to 100. By August it was stated that efforts were being made to reduce the population from 200 to 90, but that only 25 had been killed.^[42] The failure to meet cull targets was confirmed in February 2011.^[43]

Wild boars have crossed the River Wye into Monmouthshire, Wales. Iolo Williams, the BBC Wales wildlife expert, attempted to film Welsh boar in late 2012.^[44] Many other sightings, across the UK, have also been reported.^[45] The effects of wild boar on the UK's woodlands were discussed with Ralph Harmer of the Forestry Commission on the BBC Radio's Farming Today radio programme in 2011. The programme prompted activist writer George Monbiot to propose a thorough population study, followed by the introduction of permit-controlled culling.^[46]

Wild boars are an invasive species in the Americas, and cause problems including outcompeting native species for food, destroying the nests of ground-nesting species, killing fawns and young domestic livestock, destroying agricultural crops, eating tree seeds and seedlings, destroying native vegetation and wetlands through wallowing, damaging water quality, coming into violent conflict with humans and pets, and carrying pig and human diseases including brucellosis, trichinosis, and pseudorabies. In some jurisdictions, it is illegal to import, breed, release, possess, sell, distribute, trade, transport, hunt, or trap Eurasian boars. Hunting and trapping is done systematically, to increase the chance of eradication and to remove the incentive to illegally release boars, which have mostly been spread deliberately by sport hunters.^[47]

While domestic pigs, both captive and feral (popularly termed "razorbacks"), have been in North America since the earliest days of European colonization, pure wild boars were not introduced into the New World until the 19th century. The suids were released into the wild by wealthy landowners as big game animals. The initial introductions took place in fenced enclosures, though several escapes occurred, with the escapees sometimes intermixing with already established feral pig populations.

The first of these introductions occurred in New Hampshire in 1890. Thirteen wild boars from Germany were purchased by Austin Corbin from Carl Hagenbeck, and released into a 9,500-hectare game preserve in Sullivan County. Several of these boars escaped, though they were quickly hunted down by locals. Two further introductions were made from the original stocking, with several escapes taking place due to breaches in the game preserve's fencing. These escapees have ranged widely, with some specimens having been observed crossing into Vermont.^[48]

In 1902, 15–20 wild boar from Germany were released into a 3,200-hectare estate in Hamilton County, New York. Several specimens escaped six years later, dispersing into the William C. Whitney Wilderness Area, with their descendants surviving for at least 20 years.^[48]

The most extensive boar introduction in the US took place in western North Carolina in 1912, when 13 boars of undetermined European origin were released into two fenced enclosures in a game preserve in Hooper Bald, Graham County. Most of the specimens remained in the preserve for the next decade, until a large-scale hunt caused the remaining animals to break through their confines and escape. Some of the boars migrated to Tennessee, where they intermixed with both free-ranging and feral pigs in the area. In 1924, a dozen Hooper Bald wild pigs were shipped to California and released in a property between Carmel Valley and the Los Padres National Forest. These hybrid boar were later used as breeding stock on various private and public lands throughout the state, as well as in other states like Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, West Virginia and Mississippi.^[48]

Several wild boars from Leon Springs and the San Antonio, Saint Louis and San Diego Zoos were released in the Powder Horn Ranch in Calhoun County, Texas, in 1939. These specimens escaped and established themselves in surrounding ranchlands and coastal areas, with some crossing the Espiritu Santo Bay and colonizing Matagorda Island. Descendants of the Powder Horn Ranch boars were later released onto San José Island and the coast of Chalmette, Louisiana.^[48]

Wild boar of unknown origin were stocked in a ranch in the Edwards Plateau in the 1940s, only to escape during a storm and hybridize with local feral pig populations, later spreading into neighboring counties.^[48]

Starting in the mid-80s, several boars purchased from the San Diego Zoo and Tierpark Berlin were released into the United States. A decade later, more specimens from farms in Canada and Białowieża Forest was let loose. In recent years, wild pig populations have been reported in 44 states within the US, most of which are likely wild boar–feral hog hybrids. Pure wild boar populations may still be present, but are extremely localized.^[48]

Wild boars are known to host at least 20 different parasitic worm species, with maximum infections occurring in summer. Young animals are vulnerable to helminths like Metastrongylus, which are consumed by boars through earthworms, and cause death by parasitising the lungs. Wild boar also carry parasites known to infect humans, including Gastrodiscoides, Trichinella spiralis, Taenia solium, and Balantidium coli. Wild boar in southern regions are frequently infested with ticks (Dermacentor, Rhipicephalus, and Hyalomma) and hog lice. The species also suffers from blood-sucking flies, which it escapes by bathing frequently or hiding in dense shrubs.^[13]

Swine plague spreads very quickly in wild boar, with epizootics being recorded in Germany, Poland, Hungary, Belarus, the Caucasus, the Far East, Kazakhstan, and other regions. Foot-and-mouth disease can also take on epidemic proportions in boar populations. The species occasionally, but rarely contracts Pasteurellosis, hemorrhagic septicemia, tularemia and anthrax. Wild boar may on occasion contract swine erysipelas through rodents or hog lice and ticks.^[13]

The wild boar features prominently in the cultures of Indo-European people, many of which saw the animal as embodying warrior virtues. Cultures throughout Europe and Asia Minor saw the killing of a boar as proof of one's valor and strength. Neolithic hunter gatherers depicted reliefs of ferocious wild boars on their temple pillars at Göbekli Tepe some 11,600 years ago.^[50][51] Virtually all heroes in Greek mythology fight or kill a boar at one point. The demigod Herakles' third labour involves the capture of the Erymanthian Boar, Theseus slays the wild sow Phaea, and a disguised Odysseus is recognised by his handmaiden Eurycleia by the scars inflicted on him by a boar during a hunt in his youth.^[52] To the mythical Hyperboreans, the boar represented spiritual authority.^[49] Several Greek myths use the boar as a symbol of darkness, death, and winter. One example is the story of the youthful Adonis, who is killed by a boar and is permitted by Zeus to depart from Hades only during the spring and summer period. This theme also occurs in Irish and Egyptian mythology, where the animal is explicitly linked to the month of October, therefore autumn. This association likely arose from aspects of the boar's actual nature. Its dark colour was linked to the night, while its solitary habits, proclivity to consume crops and nocturnal nature were associated with evil.^[53] The foundation myth of Ephesus has the city being built over the site where prince Androklos of Athens killed a boar.^[54] Boars were frequently depicted on Greek funerary monuments alongside lions, representing gallant losers who have finally met their match, as opposed to victorious hunters as lions are. The theme of the doomed, yet valorous boar warrior also occurred in Hittite culture, where it was traditional to sacrifice a boar alongside a dog and a prisoner of war after a military defeat.^[52]

The boar as a warrior also appears in Scandinavian, Germanic and Anglo-Saxon culture, with its image having been frequently engraved on helmets, shields, and swords. According to Tacitus, the Baltic Aesti featured boars on their helmets, and may have also worn boar masks (see for example the Guilden Morden boar). The boar and pig were held in particularly high esteem by the Celts, who considered them to be their most important sacred animal. Some Celtic deities linked to boars include Moccus and Veteris. It has been suggested that some early myths surrounding the Welsh hero Culhwch involved the character being the son of a boar god.^[52] Nevertheless, the importance of the boar as a culinary item among Celtic tribes may have been exaggerated in popular culture by the Asterix series, as wild boar bones are rare among Celtic archaeological sites, and the few that occur show no signs of butchery, having probably been used in sacrificial rituals.^[55] The boar also appears in Vedic mythology. A story present in the Brāhmaṇas has Indra slaying an avaricious boar, who has stolen the treasure of the asuras, then giving its carcass to Vishnu, who offered it as a sacrifice to the gods. In the story's retelling in the Charaka Samhita, the boar is described as a form of Prajāpti, and is credited with having raised the earth from the primeval waters. In the Rāmāyaṇa and the Purāṇas, the same boar is portrayed as an avatar of Vishnu.^[56]

In Japanese culture, the boar is widely seen as a fearsome and reckless animal, to the point that several words and expressions in Japanese referring to recklessness include references to boars. The boar is the last animal of the oriental zodiac, with people born during the year of the Pig being said to embody the boar-like traits of determination and impetuosity. Among Japanese hunters, the boar's courage and defiance is a source of admiration, and it is not uncommon for hunters and mountain people to name their sons after the animal inoshishi (猪). Boars are also seen as symbols of fertility and prosperity; in some regions, it is thought that boars are drawn to fields owned by families including pregnant women, and hunters with pregnant wives are thought to have greater chances of success when boar hunting. The animal's link to prosperity was illustrated by its inclusion on the ¥10 note during the Meiji period, and it was once believed that a man could become wealthy by keeping a clump of boar hair in his wallet.^[57]

In the folklore of the Mongol Altai Uriankhai tribe, the wild boar was associated with the watery underworld, as it was thought that the spirits of the dead entered the animal's head, to be ultimately transported to the water.^[58] Prior to the conversion to Islam, the Kyrgyz people believed that they were descended from boars, and thus did not eat pork. In Buryat mythology, the forefathers of the Buryats descended from heaven and were nourished by a boar.^[59] In China, the boar is the emblem of the Miao people.^[49]

The boar (sanglier) is frequently displayed in English, Scottish and Welsh heraldry. As with the lion, the boar is often shown as armed and langued. As with the bear, Scottish and Welsh heraldry displays the boar's head with the neck cropped, unlike the English version, which retains the neck.^[60] The white boar served as the badge of King Richard III of England, who distributed it among his northern retainers during his tenure as Duke of Gloucester.^[61]

Humans have been hunting boar for millennia, with the earliest artistic depictions of such activities dating back to the Upper Paleolithic.^[52] The animal was seen as a source of food among the Ancient Greeks, as well as a sporting challenge and source of epic narratives. The Romans inherited this tradition, with one of its first practitioners being Scipio Aemilianus. Boar hunting became particularly popular among the young nobility during the 3rd century BC as preparation for manhood and battle. A typical Roman boar hunting tactic involved surrounding a given area with large nets, then flushing the boar with dogs and immobilizing it with smaller nets. The animal would then be dispatched with a venabulum, a short spear with a crossguard at the base of the blade. More than their Greek predecessors, the Romans extensively took inspiration from boar hunting in their art and sculpture. With the ascension of Constantine the Great, boar hunting took on Christian allegorical themes, with the animal being portrayed as a "black beast" analogous to the dragon of Saint George. Boar hunting continued after the fall of the Western Roman Empire, though the Germanic tribes considered the red deer to be a more noble and worthy quarry. The post-Roman nobility hunted boar as their predecessors did, but primarily as training for battle rather than sport. It was not uncommon for medieval hunters to deliberately hunt boars during the breeding season when the animals were more aggressive. During the Renaissance, when deforestation and the introduction of firearms reduced boar numbers, boarhunting became the sole prerogative of the nobility, one of many charges brought up against the rich during the German Peasants' War and the French Revolution.^[62] During the mid-20th century, 7,000–8,000 boars were caught in the Caucasus, 6,000–7,000 in Kazakhstan, and about 5,000 in Central Asia during the Soviet period, primarily through use of dogs and beats.^[13] In Nepal, farmers and poachers eliminate boars by baiting balls of wheat flour containing explosives with kerosene oil, with the animals' chewing motions triggering the devices.^[63]

Wild boar can thrive in captivity, though piglets grow slowly and poorly without their mothers. Products derived from wild boar include meat, hide and bristles.^[13] Apicius devotes a whole chapter to the cooking of boar meat, providing ten recipes involving roasting, boiling and what sauces to use. The Romans usually served boar meat with garum.^[64] Boar's head was the centrepiece of most medieval Christmas celebrations among the nobility.^[65] Although growing in popularity as a captive-bred source of food, the wild boar takes longer to mature than most domestic pigs, and is usually smaller and produces less meat. Nevertheless, wild boar meat is leaner and healthier than pork,^[66] being of higher nutritional value and having a much higher concentration of essential amino acids.^[67] Most meat-dressing organizations agree that a boar carcass should yield 50 kg (110 lb) of meat on average. Large specimens can yield 15–20 kg (33–44 lb) of fat, with some giants yielding 30 kg (66 lb) or more. A boar hide can measure 300 dm², and can yield 350–1000 grams of bristle and 400 grams of underwool.^[13]

• 
  Roman relief of a dog confronting a boar, Cologne
• 
  Southern Indian depiction of boar hunt, c. 1540
• 
  Pigsticking in British India
• 
  Boar shot in Volgograd Oblast, Russia
• 
  The Boar Hunt – Hans Wertinger, c. 1530, Danube Valley

Boars can be damaging to agriculture. Populations living on the outskirts of towns or farms can dig up potatoes and damage melons, watermelons and maize. They generally only encroach upon farms when natural food is scarce. In the Belovezh forest for example, 34–47% of the local boar population will enter fields in years of moderate availability of natural foods. While the role of boars in damaging crops is often exaggerated,^[13] cases are known of boar depredations causing famines, as was the case in Hachinohe, Japan in 1749, where 3,000 people died of what became known as the 'wild boar famine'. Still, within Japanese culture, the boar's status as vermin is expressed through its title as "king of pests" and the popular saying (addressed to young men in rural areas) "When you get married, choose a place with no wild boar."^[57][68] In Central Europe, farmers typically repel boars through distraction or fright, while in Kazakhstan it is usual to employ guard dogs in plantations. Although large boar populations can play an important role in limiting forest growth, they are also useful in keeping pest populations such as June bugs under control.^[13] The growth of urban areas and the corresponding decline in natural boar habitats has led to some sounders entering human habitations in search of food. As in natural conditions, sounders in peri-urban areas are matriarchal, though males tend to be much less represented, and adults of both sexes can be up to 35% heavier than their forest-dwelling counterparts. As of 2010, at least 44 cities in 15 countries have experienced problems of some kind relating to the presence of habituated wild boar.^[69]

Actual attacks on humans are rare, but can be serious, resulting in multiple penetrating injuries to the lower part of the body. They generally occur during the boars' rutting season from November to January, in agricultural areas bordering forests or on paths leading through forests. The animal typically attacks by charging and pointing its tusks towards the intended victim, with most injuries occurring on the thigh region. Once the initial attack is over, the boar steps back, takes position and attacks again if the victim is still moving, only ending once the victim is completely incapacitated.^[70][71]

Boar attacks on humans have been documented since the Stone Age, with one of the oldest depictions being a cave painting in Bhimbetaka, India. The Romans and Ancient Greeks wrote of these attacks (Odysseus was wounded by a boar, and Adonis was killed by one). A 2012 study compiling recorded attacks from 1825–2012 found accounts of 665 human victims of both wild boars and feral pigs, with the majority (19%) of attacks in the animal's native range occurring in India. Most of the attacks occurred in rural areas during the winter months in non-hunting contexts and were committed by solitary males.^[72]

• Boar-baiting
• Domestic pig
• Feral pig
• Peccary
• Indian boar
• Guilden Morden boar

• Cabanau, Laurent (2001). The Hunter's Library: Wild Boar in Europe. Könemann. ISBN 3-8290-5528-5.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
• Marsan, Andrea; Mattioli, Stefano (2013). Il Cinghiale (yn Eidaleg). Il Piviere (collana Fauna selvatica. Biologia e gestione). ISBN 978-88-96348-178.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)
• Scheggi, Massimo (1999). La bestia nera: Caccia al cinghiale fra mito, storia e attualità (yn Eidaleg). Editoriale Olimpia (collana Caccia). ISBN 88-253-7904-8.CS1 maint: ref=harv (link)

• Apollonio, M. et al. (1988), "The systematics of the wild boar (Sus scrofa L.) in Italy", Bolletino di Zoologia, 3:213–221
• Carden, R.F. (2012) "Review of the Natural History of Wild Boar (Sus scrofa) on the island of Ireland", Report prepared by Ruth Carden for the Northern Ireland Environment Agency, Northern Ireland, UK, National Parks & Wildlife Service, Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht, Dublin, Ireland and the National Museum of Ireland – Education & Outreach Department.
• (Ffrangeg) Durantel, P. (2007), Le sanglier et ses chasses, Editions Artemis, ISBN 2844166032
• Greene, J. (2011), The Golden-Bristled Boar: Last Ferocious Beast of the Forest, University of Virginia Press, ISBN 0-8139-3103-7
• (Ffrangeg) Marillier, B. (2003), Le sanglier héraldique, Editions Cheminements, ISBN 2844781845
• Mayer, J. J. & Shedrow, C. B. (2007), Annotated Bibliography of the Wild Pig (Sus scrofa): Environmental Information Document, Washington Savannah River Company
• Nodyn:It icon Padiglione, V. (1989), Il cinghiale cacciatore: Antropologia simbolica della caccia in Sardegna, Armando Editore (collana Antropologia culturale)
• Ronald M. Nowak (1999) (yn en), Walker's Mammals of the World (6th ed.), Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 0-8018-5789-9, LCCN 98023686

Nodyn:Wikisource1911Enc

Mae gan Wicirywogaeth wybodaeth sy'n berthnasol i: Sus scrofa

• Nodyn:Wikinews-inline
• Cyfryngau perthnasol Sus scrofa ar Gomin Wicimedia
• BBC profile
• Nodyn:Cite EB9
• Jokelainen, P.; Näreaho, A.; Hälli, O.; Heinonen, M.; Sukura, A. (2012). "Farmed wild boars exposed to Toxoplasma gondii and Trichinella spp.". Veterinary Parasitology 187 (1–2): 323–327. doi:10.1016/j.vetpar.2011.12.026. PMID 22244535.
• Species Profile- Wild Boar (Sus scrofa), National Invasive Species Information Center, United States National Agricultural Library. Lists general information and resources for wild boar.
• Nodyn:UCSC genomes
• A sounder of wild boars

Nodyn:Pigs Nodyn:Artiodactyla Nodyn:Heraldic creatures

Tabl 1: Y Digwyddiadau

2:Y Chwe Chwyldro Hanesyddol

Ffigwr 1. Amseriad y Prif Ddigwyddiadau

2.5.Y Pumed Chwyldro – Amaethu i sicrhau mwy o fwyd Ar ôl ei ymddangosiad parhaodd H. sapiens i fyw am o leiaf 180,000 o flynyddoedd yn y drefn ‘hel/hela/coginio’ a hynny mewn grwpiau bach gwasgaredig [11][13]. Gyda diflaniad rhewlifau olaf Oes yr Iâ oddeutu 12,000 CC cychwynnodd y Chwyldro Amaethyddol mewn ardaloedd addas eu bywydeg, eu hinsawdd a’u priddoedd. Ar fryniau yn y Dwyrain Canol, oddeutu 9,000 o flynyddoedd yn ôl, gwelwyd y datblygiadau cynharaf o gyfnewid planhigion. Digwyddodd cyfnewidiadau cyffelyb ond annibynnol oddeutu’r un amser mewn nifer o ranbarthau eraill yn y byd – yn Ne a Chanolbarth America, yn Affrica, ac yn Tsieina. Mewn ardaloedd tra gwahanol meistrolwyd technegau tyfu a bridio planhigion a’u trosi o’u ffurfiau cyntefig yn gnydau ac yn fwydydd safonol megis gwenith, haidd, corn, tatws a reis, sy’n parhau i gynnal ein cymdeithas hyd heddiw. Ar gyfandir Ewrasia llwyddwyd i ddofi anifeiliaid fel defaid, geifr, moch a gwartheg a’u hychwanegu at y fwydlen drwy eu cig a’u llaeth. Ychydig yn ddiweddarach, oddeutu 5,000 o flynyddoedd yn ôl, dofwyd cyfres o anifeiliaid pwn a gwaith megis ych, camelod a cheffylau a’u defnyddio i lafurio dros eu meistri dynol. Llwyddodd y chwyldro amaethyddol i grynhoi mwy o ynni ffotosynthetig i greu cyflenwadau mwy parhaol o fwyd at ddefnydd dyn. Ysgogodd hyn ar gymhlethdodau materol a diwylliannol newydd. Chwyddodd y boblogaeth yn sylweddol gan arwain at sefydlu cymdeithasau trefol sefydlog mewn rhai ardaloedd breintiedig, megis yn yr Aifft, Gorllewin Asia, Tsieina, a De a Chanolbarth America. Bellach yr oedd angen gweinyddu ac amddiffyn yr adnoddau. Datblygodd sgiliau cyfrif ac ysgrifennu. Cyfoethogwyd yr economi drwy gynnal crefftau arbenigol a masnach. Datblygodd yr angen i weinyddu buddiannau’r gymdeithas drwy gyfraith a threfn a llywodraeth gan arwain at greu rhaniadau hierarchaidd yn y gymdeithas. Gwelwyd twf mewn credoau a oedd, ar yr un llaw, yn cynnig cysur i’r difreintiedig ac, ar y llall, yn cyfiawnhau awdurdod a golud y brenhinoedd a’u cynghreiriad. Datblygodd grym milwrol i amddiffyn adnoddau’r cymdeithasau sefydlog ac i geisio cipio 12 adnoddau cymdeithasau cyfagos. Datblygodd mathau ychwanegol o gystadleuaeth a rheini, i raddau helaeth, yn gystadleuaeth am ynni. Rydym yn dystion i’r gwychder materol a ddeilliodd o waith corfforol diflino’r dynion a’r merched ac uchelgais yr arweinwyr a amlygir yn eu palasau, eu temlau a’u beddrodau ysblennydd. Tystiant i gystadleuaeth a gorthrwm yn ogystal ag i’w gallu i sefydlu cydymdrechion cymdeithasol. Profodd lleiafrif bychan olud ond nid oedd bwydlen a maeth y bobl gyffredin yn llawer gwell na’u cyndeidiau yr helwyr ac roeddynt efallai yn waeth os rhywbeth [13]. Er ymddengys i’r gyfundrefn newydd ddibynnu ar waith didostur y mwyafrif tybiaf i’r drefn drefol gynnig cyfleoedd am well bywyd i amryw, a phosibiliadau cymdeithasol llawnach. Wrth gwrs, parhaodd yr hen fywyd dros ran helaeth o’r byd; gan barhau hyd at ein hoes ni mewn ardaloedd diarffordd fel Papua Guinea Newydd a Fforestydd yr Amason. Ni ellir gwadu i lwyddiant y chwyldro amaethyddol yn rhwydo mwy o ynni ffotosynthetig newid ffawd dynoliaeth ac iddo ysgogi datblygiad dysg, llenyddiaeth a chelfyddyd. Yr oedd i’r chwyldro ei wendidau yn ogystal â’i ragoriaethau. Un ffaeledd amlwg oedd y distryw a achosodd amaeth i ecoleg y byd drwy ddymchwel fforestydd, troi’r peithiau yn borfeydd a sychu gwlypdiroedd a difa anifeiliaid rheibus o’u cynefinoedd naturiol. 2.6 Y Chweched Chwyldro - Ynni nerthol a phŵer i greu diwydiant Ymledodd y drefn amaethyddol drwy Ewrop yn weddol gyflym gan gyrraedd Cymru oddeutu 5,000 o flynyddoedd yn ôl. Gwelwyd datblygiadau araf ac anghyson mewn technolegau cynhyrchu ynni, megis y gallu i ddefnyddio ynni’r gwynt a llif dŵr i yrru melinau a llongau i hwylio’r cefnforoedd. Defnyddiwyd peth glo i gynhesu tai ac, yn Tsieina, i gynhyrchu haearn. Drwyddi draw, ynni ffotosynthetig cyfoes oedd yn gyrru cymdeithas hyd nes gyn lleied â thri chan mlynedd yn ôl [14]. Ond gyda chwilfrydedd, dyfeisgarwch ac ariangarwch yn cael eu hymgorffori mewn dysg, gwyddoniaeth, technoleg a chyfalafiaeth, agorwyd y drws i chwyldro newydd sef y Chwyldro Diwydiannol. Nid oes gofod i drafod y chwyldro yn fanwl yn yr erthygl hon ond gellir mesur ardrawiad y chwyldro yng ngeiriau’r masnachwr Matthew Bolton yn 1776. Bolton oedd noddwr James Watt a ddatblygodd yr injan stêm led effeithlon gyntaf o’i bath, ac meddai Bolton wrth James Boswell, newyddiadurwr o’r cyfnod, “I sell, Sir, what the world desires to have – power”. Mae ei eiriau yn adlewyrchu uchelgais a dyfeisgarwch y cyfnod i weddnewid rheolaeth y byd drwy ddefnyddio ffynhonnell newydd o ynni. Yr ynni hwnnw oedd i’w gynhyrchu drwy losgi tanwydd ffosil, gwaddol ffotosynthesis a storiwyd yng nghrombil y ddaear ers degau o filiynau o flynyddoedd. Hyn a newidiodd gwrs y byd ac a ryddhaodd ddynoliaeth o’i ddibyniaeth ar ffotosynthesis cyfoes [14][15]. Carlamodd y chwyldro yn ei flaen gyda pheiriannau amgenach na dyfais flaengar Watts. Yn fuan dyfeisiwyd peirannau trydan, olew, disel a phetrol. Trwy losgi’r tanwydd cafwyd digonedd o ynni cyfleus at ddibenion diwydiant a thrafnidiaeth gan newid effeithiolrwydd cynhyrchu a chrebachu pellteroedd y byd. Gweddnewidiwyd masnach a hamdden o ganlyniad. Addaswyd cynlluniau dinasoedd i dderbyn trenau, a cheir yn ddiweddarach. Mae’n werth nodi yn y cyswllt Cymreig y disodlwyd glo gan olew a nwy fel y prif danwydd 13 ffosil, ac o ganlyniad symudodd y pŵer a’r cyfoeth o Gaerdydd a’r Rhondda i Dharhan a Doha a chyfnewidiwyd grym Protestaniaeth gyfalafol am gulni Islam Wahabaidd. Daeth cyfalafiaeth ac ariangarwch yn fodelau i’w hefelychu a chyfrannodd golud ar raddfa nas gwelwyd o’r blaen at gynnydd sylweddol yn y boblogaeth er i’r mwyafrif ohonynt aros yn dlawd. Gan ddefnyddio geiriau’r Beibl, sicrhawyd ‘dra-arglwyddiaeth dyn’. Gwelwyd ymhelaethu sylweddol i’r broses o droi’r ynni newydd toreithiog yn waith ac yn bŵer a arweiniodd at greu cymhlethdodau materol a chymdeithasol newydd i ddynoliaeth(Ffigwr 5.). Ystyriwn un enghraifft o ddylanwad pellgyrhaeddol llosgi tanwydd, sef mewn gyriant ceir a lorïau. Rhaid oedd buddsoddi er mwyn adeiladu ffyrdd a systemau i reoli’r cerbydau hyn a chreu isadeiledd eang i gyflenwi tanwydd ar eu cyfer ac i ddiweddaru’r cerbydau yn gyson. Cafwyd damweiniau lu a datblygodd yr angen i yswirio’r gyrwyr ac i roi triniaeth i’r anffodusion. Yr oedd y systemau yn agored i dwyll, y teiars yn llygru a’r gyriant yn cyfrannu at wenwyno byd-eang. Newidiwyd ein dulliau o fasnachu ac o gymryd ein gwyliau – bach fuasai’r galw am dai haf ym mryniau Cymru heb y car a gwahanol iawn fyddai bywydau ffermwyr mynydd. Buasai’n hawdd ychwanegu at y gadwyn uchod ac amlinellu cadwyni tebyg ar gyfer llongau, trenau ac awyrennau ac i’r holl ddyfeisiadau a ddaeth yn sgil egni’r Chwyldro Diwydiannol. Hynny yw, yn sgil yr ynni a’r dechnoleg, cododd yr angen i ddatblygu 14 systemau rheoli er budd yr unigolyn a’r gymdeithas ac i raddau er budd yr amgylchedd. Gellir cyffelybu systemau rheoli’r chwyldro gyda’r systemau homeostatig a esblygodd yn fiolegol gyda dyfodiad bodau amlgellog. Yn sgil yr holl gyfnewidiadau tyfodd poblogaeth y byd o gwta biliwn yn oes Bolton i’r ffigwr presennol sy’n nesu at wyth biliwn (Ffigwr 5). Drwy’r ail chwyldro amaethyddol, a gynhelir yn rhannol gan danwydd ffosil a’r gwyddorau biolegol newydd, llwyddwyd yn groes i ddarogan Malthus i fwydo canrannau helaeth o’r boblogaeth ychwanegol, ond ysywaeth nid pawb. Roedd yr ail chwyldro amaethyddol hefyd yn dibynnu ar y grym i feddiannu tiroedd estron yn yr Amerig ac ardaloedd eraill. I grynhoi fy nadl, mae ynni ffosil nid yn unig wedi creu twf materol ond hefyd dwf mewn cymhlethdod cymdeithasol. Mae hwn yn ganlyniad anochel i’r gallu i gyflawni mwy o waith materol ac i’r pŵer a grym a gyfyd ohono. O ganlyniad, cododd yr angen i greu trefn, rheolaeth a disgyblaeth (homeostasis). Galluogodd perchnogion y pŵer, sef gwladwriaethau a chwmnïau’r gorllewin, i wladychu ac i ddominyddu gweddill y byd am ddegawdau. Nodir, wrth fynd heibio, i arfau milwrol ddatblygu yn ddull o gyfeirio ynni a phŵer at ddibenion rheoli a gorfodi. Effeithiwyd yn ddwys ar ecoleg y blaned gan achosi, mewn perthynas ag ynni, ganlyniadau niweidiol allyriadau nwy carbon deuocsid a ryddheir o losgi’r holl danwydd ffosil. O ganlyniad, newidiwyd cydbwysedd mewn-lif ac all-lif ynni’r haul sy’n golygu fod mwy a mwy o’i wres yn cronni yn y moroedd a’r awyr. Y ffenomen hon sy’n arwain at gynhesu byd eang ac at y cyfnewidiadau dwys yn hinsawdd y blaned. Hyn sydd wrth wraidd y Seithfed Chwyldro. 3. Dadansoddi’r Elfennau a’r Patrymau: Cyn ystyried y seithfed chwyldro ceisiaf grynhoi fy nghasgliadau ynghylch nodweddion y Chwe Chwyldro blaenorol a luniodd ein planed dros bedwar biliwn o flynyddoedd. Rwyf yn cydnabod, wrth gwrs, nad yw fy nadansoddiad yn esbonio rhai o’r digwyddiadau pwysig a luniodd ein byd, megis esblygiad siarad a syniadaeth. Er hynny, mae’n cynnig fframwaith i ddadansoddi agweddau pwysig o’n bodolaeth ar y ddaear hon. Cymerodd y chwyldroadau unigol amser sylweddol i aeddfedu ac i ymestyn dros y blaned ac i droi ynni yn gymhlethdod materol a chymdeithasol. Ond yn drawiadol byrhaodd y cyfnodau rhwng y chwyldroadau o’r cannoedd o filiynau o flynyddoedd dechreuol i gwta ddwy ganrif yn ein cyfnod presennol. O ganlyniad, cyflymwyd y newidiadau yn rhyfeddol. Gwelwyd hefyd newid mawr yn natur y gystadleuaeth fiolegol - o rannu DNA yn y byd procariotig, i ddetholiad naturiol Darwinaidd sy’n ddibynnol ar ryw a goroesiad y genynnau mwyaf atebol yn y byd ewcariotig. Yng nghyfnod y Pedwerydd Chwyldro, er i rywogaeth Homo wynebu cystadleuaeth Ddarwinaidd, llwyddodd i oroesi drwy ddatblygu ei alluoedd i resymu sut i gyrraedd ei amcanion. Gwnaeth hynny wrth goginio ei fwyd neu berffeithio ei dechnoleg llunio arfau, gan drosglwyddo’r wybodaeth i’w dylwyth o un genhedlaeth i’r llall ar lafar neu drwy esiampl. Detholiad o syniadaeth, neu “memes”, i ddefnyddio terminoleg Dawkins, a drosglwyddwyd. Gyda datblygiad cymdeithasau trefol yn dilyn y Chwyldro Amaeth dwysaodd y gystadleuaeth gymdeithasol rhwng y dinasoedd a rhwng eu 15 harweinwyr. Gwelwyd ymerodraethau milwriaethus yn cystadlu am adnoddau, pŵer a rhwysg drwy feddiannu’r tiroedd gorau [hynny yw, adnoddau ychwanegol o ynni ffotosynthetig] a gormesu poblogaethau [hynny yw, sicrhau gwaith dynol i ddibenion arbennig]. Yn sgil y Chwyldro Diwydiannol breiniwyd cystadleuaeth gyfalafol mewn gwleidyddiaeth, busnes a diwydiant yn enw Darwiniaeth Gymdeithasol. Parhaodd rheolaeth ar dir a chynnyrch ffotosynthetig yn bwysig a thyfodd cystadleuaeth ddiwylliannol i fod yn elfen gynyddol bwysig. Gwelir fel y mae dylanwadau grym meddal [soft power] Hollywood a Big Mac wedi swyno a hudo meddylfryd y byd. Ymddengys felly i’r elfennau cystadleuol newid a dwysáu wrth i brosesau’r byd gyflymu. Eto mae’n rhaid tanlinellu pwysigrwydd yr elfen o gydweithio a chydlynu fel rhan annatod o’r holl chwyldroadau. Dyna sy’n nodweddu’r uno symbiotaidd i greu meitocondria a chloroplastau ewcariotig; y cydweithio soffistigedig rhwng celloedd bodau amlgellog; a gweithgaredd ymenyddol dyn a’i allu i resymu ynghylch ei fywyd materol ac ysbrydol. Elfen nodweddiadol o’r holl chwyldroadau hyn yw esblygiad cyfochrog y systemau rheoli. Nodais ar y cychwyn bwysigrwydd y peirianwaith homeostatig sy’n galluogi celloedd syml i oroesi ac i’w cynnal allan o gydbwysedd ffisegol a chemegol â’u hamgylchedd. Datblygodd y systemau hyn ar y cyd ag esblygiad bodau mwy cymhleth, amlgellog, hyd at ddyfodiad Homo sapiens. Yn ôl Antonio Damasio[16], wrth ddilyn a datblygu teithi meddwl Spinosa, mae’n deg ystyried fod ein hemosiynau a’n teimladau ni fodau dynol yn estyniadau o’r peirianwaith homeostatig. Ac, o ystyried ymhellach, gellir dadlau fod yr holl reolau a chyfuniadau a ddatblygodd yn sgil cymhlethdodau cymdeithasol y chwyldroadau amaethyddol a diwydiannol hefyd yn dilyn yr un trywydd. Pan gollir rheolaeth homeostatig ar dwf a chydweithrediad celloedd gelwir y diffyg yn gancr. Yn anffodus, pan gollir rheolaeth ar fyd masnach neu wleidyddiaeth y canlyniad yn aml yw gormes a rhyfeloedd, ond yn aml gelwir yr unigolion sy’n gyfrifol yn arwyr. Mae tair elfen arall yn berthnasol i’m dadansoddiad. Yn gyntaf, er i ddynoliaeth ffynnu yn y Chwyldro Diwydiannol ar gefn ynni ffosil ni leihaodd ein dibyniaeth ar ynni ffotosynthetig. Dengys gwaith Imhoff a Bunouna [17] fod dyn wedi hawlio, ar gyfartaledd, tua 20% o gynnyrch ffotosynthetig y blaned ar gyfer ei ddibenion personol erbyn diwedd y ganrif ddiwethaf. Yn Ewrop roedd y ffigwr yn 70% ac yn Ne Asia yn 80%, er ei fod yn is mewn ardaloedd llai poblog neu lle nad oedd diwydiannau trwm. Gyda’r twf mewn cyfoeth ac ym mhoblogaeth y byd o tua 6 biliwn pan gynhaliwyd yr ymchwil gyntaf gryn ugain mlynedd yn ôl i dros 7.5 biliwn erbyn heddiw, mae’r ddibyniaeth ar ynni ffotosynthetig wedi chwyddo i raddau sy’n peryglu adnoddau bywyd holl greaduriaid eraill y byd. Yn ail, mae cymhariaeth o botensial datblygiadol y tri chwyldro bywydegol yn awgrymu bod nenfwd i’r cymhlethdod materol a ganiateir ar bob gris. Hynny yw, roedd bywyd procariotig cyn ac ar ôl datblygiad ffotosynthesis, ac wedyn bywyd yn dilyn esblygiad celloedd ewcariotig, yn analluog i ddatblygu y tu hwnt i lefel arbennig. Felly hefyd yr oedd cyfyngiad ar ddatblygiad materol a chymdeithasol cymdeithasau “hel/helwyr” cyn iddynt ddysgu sut i reoli tân, coginio ac ymelwa o’i fanteision. Awgrymwyd gan Ian Morris [18] mewn damcaniaeth tra diddorol fod cyfyngiadau tebyg ynghlwm wrth y Chwyldro Amaethyddol. Yn ôl ei ddadansoddiad nid oedd modd i’r gyfundrefn amaethyddol ddatblygu i gynnal mwy na’r llwyddiant economaidd a chymdeithasol a gyrhaeddwyd gan Ymerodraeth Rhufain yn y 16 gorllewin ac Ymerodraeth Song yn Tsieina. O gyplysu’r dadansoddiadau hyn ceir awgrym cryf fod i bob un o’r chwe chwyldro ynni ei nenfwd ei hun o ran ei gyrhaeddiad a’i dwf. Yn drydydd, er i mi ganolbwyntio ar ynni, gwaith a phŵer, a’r angen am reolaeth yn eu sgil, mae’n rhaid hefyd gydnabod a thanlinellu pwysigrwydd llif gwybodaeth. Perthyn trosglwyddiad gwybodaeth i bob un o’r chwyldroadau - fe’i gwelir yn nhrosglwyddiad y cod genynnol a’r gallu i gynaeafu ynni’r haul a’r fframwaith ewcariotig. Gwelir trosglwyddiad gwybodaeth bersonol yn dilyn esblygiad ymenyddol Homo. Ar y cychwyn cynhelid y gadwyn gan y genhedlaeth hŷn yn trosglwyddo gwybodaeth i’r ieuanc drwy esiampl neu ar lafar, ond yn dilyn y Chwyldro Amaethyddol atgyfnerthwyd y trosglwyddiad drwy’r gallu i ysgrifennu a chyfrif. Bellach, ac yn syfrdanol o gyflym, daeth byd yr algoriddmau, y cyfrifiaduron, y ffonau symudol a throsglwyddiad electronig i dra-arglwyddiaethu ar brosesau cyfnewid gwybodaeth gan glymu’r Ddinas yn Llundain i’r un gyfundrefn â’r pentref mwyaf diarffordd yn y Trydydd Byd. Ceisiais osgoi cyflwyno gormodedd o ystadegau yn yr ysgrif hon ond, yn olaf, rhaid tanlinellu maint y newid yn ein defnydd o ynni a ddaeth yn sgil y Chwyldro Diwydiannol. I gynnal y corff dynol defnyddir isafswm o 2000 cilocalori y dydd, gydag oddeutu eu chwarter yn cael eu neilltuo ar gyfer yr ymennydd. I gynhyrchu a chyflenwi’r mewnbwn hwn o gilocalorïau defnyddir tua deg gwaith mwy o ynni o’r haul ac o ynni ffosil. Ond i gynnal safon byw presennol Cymro neu Brydeiniwr mae’n rhaid wrth tua 240,000 o gilocalorïau y dydd [19]. Canlyniad y gofyn ychwanegol am yr ynni hwn yw cynhyrchu allyriadau enfawr a pheryglus o nwyon tŷ gwydr. 4. Y Presennol Heriol a’r Seithfed Chwyldro: Hyderaf fod pawb bellach yn ymwybodol o’r dystiolaeth bendant a diymwad ynghylch newid hinsawdd anthropogenaidd a’i berthynas â llosgi tanwydd ffosil [20]. Nid wyf am drafod y dystiolaeth wyddonol na’r atebion technolegol i’r broblem ond yn hytrach ceisiaf ystyried rhai o’r goblygiadau a’r casgliadau sy’n deillio o’r ddamcaniaeth a’r dadansoddiadau blaenorol. Ffigwr 6. Allyriadau a ganiateir o CO2 os am osgoi codiad tymheredd o fwy na 2oC 17 Llinellau gwyrdd, glas, coch yn seiliedig ar weddill o 600 Gt CO2 (heb gyfrif allyriadau negyddol [mewn-sugno]) Llinell borffor yn seiliedig ar weddill o 800 Gt CO2 Amcangyfrifir bod cadw at 1.5-2ºC yn golygu cyllideb CO2 o 150-1050 biliwn tunnell(Gt) [20] [21] Yn gyntaf trafodaf gyflymder a chymhlethdod y newidiadau. Yn y Seithfed Chwyldro wynebwn her gwbl newydd. Yng Nghytundeb Paris yn Rhagfyr 2015 cytunodd 195 o wledydd y byd y dylid atal cynnydd cyfartalog o 2oC gradd yn nhymheredd ein byd gan ymdrechu i gadw’r cynnydd yn 1.5o C gradd. Yn ystod yr El Niño diweddaf yn 2016 roedd y tymheredd eisoes 1.2oC gradd yn uwch nag yn Oes Victoria sef ar gychwyn cyfnod ymlediad y Chwyldro Diwydiannol drwy’r byd. Fel y gwelir yn Ffigwr 6 gwta ugain mlynedd sydd gennym i gyflawni uchelgais Paris a gofynion y Seithfed Chwyldro; sef mabwysiadu ffyrdd newydd di-garbon o gynhyrchu ynni a llwyddo i reoli tymheredd y byd heb wynebu trychinebau apocalyptaidd yn y dyfodol. Er bod yr her hon a’r brys yn amlwg, awgryma fy namcaniaeth fod agweddau eraill mwy pellgyrhaeddol i’r sefyllfa. Beth fyddai canlyniadau datblygu digonedd o ynni rhad, di-garbon yn y dyfodol? Oni fuasai hyn, yn ôl tystiolaeth y chwe chwyldro blaenorol, yn cyflymu’r holl brosesau o ychwanegu at gymhlethdodau materol a chymdeithasol ein bodolaeth ymhellach? Un canlyniad anochel fyddai wynebu diflaniad llawer o’r hyn sy’n weddill o’r byd naturiol. Canlyniad arall fyddai ychwanegu at y pwysau cystadleuol sydd ar ddynoliaeth. Er enghraifft, mae ein cyfundrefnau economaidd eisoes yn dibynnu ar dwf esbonyddol blynyddol o 2 i 5% i’w GDP [22]. Mae disgwyl i faint yr economi ddyblu bob 14 i 20 mlynedd ond mae eisoes dystiolaeth o’r pwysau a’r tyndra seicolegolcynyddol ar unigolion a chymdeithasau sy’n dilyn o’r herwydd. 18 Rhaid gofyn beth fyddai effaith naid arall yng nghyflymdra a chystadleuaeth bywyd ar ddynoliaeth a’n lles? Pregethir cenadwri cystadleuaeth gan ein gwleidyddion ond prin y cydnabyddir fod gan bob cystadleuaeth ei gollwyr yn ogystal â’i enillwyr. Rhaid cofio fod gan gyfundrefnau cymhleth eu nodweddion arbennig eu hunain a ymgorfforir yn namcaniaeth Caos. Ystyr hyn yw ei bod yn bosibl i gryniadau bychan lleol ysgogi cyfnewidiadau anferthol, annisgwyl mewn mannau pellennig yn y gyfundrefn. Gallasai peryglon anrhagweladwy sy’n deillio o gymhlethdod ychwanegu at ansadrwydd a pheryglon ein byd yn gymdeithasol, yn wleidyddol ac yn economaidd. Yn ail, beth yw neges cydweithio a rheolaeth ar gyfer y Seithfed Chwyldro? Ni ellir gwadu i gystadleuaeth, boed yn Ddarwiniaeth fiolegol neu yn gyfalafiaeth, esgor ar ddatblygiadau trawiadol. Ond byddai’n eithriadol ffôl anwybyddu’r gwersi a ddysgwyd am gydweithio a rheolaeth homeostatig. Yn y Seithfed Chwyldro wyneba’r byd her gwbl newydd sef sut i ymdrin yn deg ag adnoddau cyffredin [public goods] megis yr awyr a’r hinsawdd. Ni chyfyngir effeithiau cynhesu byd eang i un wlad ac felly rhaid ymateb fel dynoliaeth unol. Nid oes prinder tanwydd ffosil yn y byd a dengys modelau ffisegol y dylid ymatal rhag ei ddefnyddio a gadael y gyfran helaethaf ohono yng nghrombil y ddaear. Ond yr adnoddau hyn sy’n sylfaen i rai o gwmnïau mwyaf pwerus a gwerthfawr ein byd, a’u cynnyrch a rydd inni ein hawddfyd cymdeithasol. O ganlyniad, mae’r ymateb i newid hinsawdd nid yn unig yn fater technolegol gymhleth ond mae hefyd yn bygwth y gyfundrefn gyfalafol a golud unigolion tra phwerus sy’n cefnogi’r farchnad rydd, ddilyffethair. Yn anffodus, mae’r pwyslais ar anffaeledigrwydd y farchnad rydd a’r ymdrechion i leihau’r rheolau homeostatig cymdeithasol ac economaidd yn llesteirio’r ymdrechion i brysuro dyfodiad y Seithfed Chwyldro. Dengys ymchwil anthropolegol fod grwpiau cyntefig yn cydweithio yn glos er mwyn goroesi, ond o berchnogi adnoddau ychwanegol maent yn debygol o amddiffyn eu mantais hyd yr eithaf [11]. Gwelir meddylfryd tebyg yng nghestyll y canol oesoedd, neu yn “gated properties” y presennol yn Ne Affrica a’r Unol Daleithiau, ac yn rhethreg rhai o wleidyddion cyfoes ein byd. Defnyddiwyd Darwiniaeth Gymdeithasol i gyfiawnhau’r cysyniad fod rhai pobloedd yn fwy teilwng na’i gilydd ac, o ganlyniad, eu bod yn haeddu adnoddau gwell na’u cyd-ddyn llai ffodus. O goleddu’r athroniaeth hon mewn perthynas â newid hinsawdd mae’n sicr o arwain at alanastra. Yn gadarnhaol mae Cytundeb Paris, er gwaethaf ei ffaeleddau, yn ymwrthod â’r feddylfryd hon ac yn derbyn fod cydweithio a rheolaeth ryngwladol yn gwbl angenrheidiol. Er gwaethaf hyn oll mae gan y Chwe Chwyldro Ynni eu negeseuon gobeithiol. Drwy’r milenia gwelir fod llinyn aur cydweithredu a chyd-dynnu yn rhedeg trwyddynt. Sylfaen hyn oll, mi dybiaf, yw gofynion homeostatig celloedd a bodau byw, gan gynnwys Homo sapiens a’u cymdeithasau cymhleth. Dyfynna Domasio [16] o waith gwreiddiol Spinosa -- “each thing as far as it can, by its power,strives to preserve in its being” a “the very foundation of virtue is the endeavour to preserve the individual self and happiness consists in the human capacity to preserve its self”. Dehonglir hyn, yn anffodus, fel sylfaen hunanoldeb a thrachwant, ond camddehongliad dybryd fyddai hyn o syniadau Spinosa a Domasio. Fel y nodais ystyria Domasio fod ein hymatebion emosiynol a theimladol yn binacl pyramid rheolaeth 19 homeostatig, a’r prif nod yw diogelu ein dynoliaeth, ein hunaniaeth a’n bodlonrwydd. Y gamp yw byw bywyd iach, dymunol a theilwng ac i wneud hynny mewn cydbwysedd homestatig sy’n mynd o lefel y gell unigol i’r person a’r gymdeithas gyflawn. Yr her greiddiol yw argyhoeddi pobl ei bod yn bosibl; yn wir , yn gwbl angenrheidiol, ymateb yn gadarnhaol ac ar fyrder i her y Seithfed Chwyldro er ein lles ein hunan, ein teuluoedd a’n cymdeithas ddynol. Ofnaf nad oes llawer o obaith osgoi cynhesu byd eang i o leiaf 2oC ar gyfartaledd. Bydd yr ymateb i’r Seithfed Chwyldro yn rhy araf ac, o ganlyniad, rhaid fydd addasu i newidiadau niweidiol {23]. Ond erys rhai cwestiynau mawr. A ydym wedi cyrraedd penllanw’r gyfres o chwyldroadau ynni yn ymestyn dros 4 biliwn o flynyddoedd, bob un yn troi mwy a mwy o ynni yn gymhlethdod materol neu gymdeithasol ac yn cyflymu curiad bywyd? Er llwyddo i gynhyrchu digonedd o ynni a phŵer di-garbon a fuasai gwneud hynny yn arwain at greu cymhlethdodau materol a chymdeithasol eraill a fyddai mor enbyd fel y byddent yn lleihau, yn hytrach nag yn cynyddu, ein buddiannau a’n llesiant? Cymhlethdodau a fyddai, yn wir, â’r gallu i danseilio ein planed? A all y primat doeth ddarganfod ffyrdd amgenach o drefnu cymdeithasau’r dyfodol? Diolchiadau: Rwyf yn hynod ddyledus i John Llywelyn Williams a Lowri Wynne Williams am nid yn unig gaboli a gloywi’r Gymraeg, ond am eu sylwadau a’u cwestiynau treiddgar ar y testun, ac am iddynt fynnu esboniadau sydd, o ganlyniad, wedi egluro ystyr brawddegau ac agweddau ar y ddamcaniaeth. Rwyf yn ddiolchgar hefyd i sawl cyfaill am ddarllen yr ysgrif, naill ai yn Gymraeg neu yn Saesneg, a chyfrannu o’u gwybodaeth am bynciau arbenigol. Diolchaf hefyd i Elin Rhys a Cwmni Telescop ac i Huw Wyn Jones, Cwmni Pioden, am gynhyrchu’r ffigyrau. Cyfeiriadaeth: 1. Richard Dawkins. (1989) The Selfish Gene, Oxford Landmark Science. (2004) The Ancestors Tale, Phoenix 2. Freeman Dyson. (1999) Origins of Life, CUP 3. R. Gareth Wyn Jones. (1978) ‘Sylfeini Biocemegol Bywyd’ yn Y Creu (Y Gwyddonydd), gol. R. Gareth Wyn Jones a J. Ll. W. Williams, t. 104-112 Gwasg Prifysgol Cymru 4. R. Gareth Wyn Jones et al. (1979) Ionic and Osmotic Relations in Plant Cells yn Recent Advances in the Biochemistry of Cereals t. 63. gol. D.L. Laidman a R. Gareth Wyn Jones eds. Academic Press. Hefyd Roger Leigh a R. Gareth Wyn Jones, (1986) Cellular Compartmentation in Plant Nutrition: The Selective Cytoplasmand the Promiscuous Vacuole. Adv. Plant Nutrition 2, p. 249 5. Erwin Schrodinger. (1967) What is Life? Mind and Matter, CUP 6. Nick Lane. (2015) The Vital Question: Why is Life the Way it is?, Profile Books 7. Park S. Nobel. (1991) Physicochemical and Environmental PlantPhysiology, Academic Press 8. Lynn Margulis et al., (2006) The Last Eukaryotic Universal Common Ancestor; Acquisition of cytoskeletalmotility form aerotolerant spirochetes in the Proterozoic Eon. PNAS USA 103, 13080-85. 9. Richard Wrangham. (2009) Catching Fire; How Cooking made us Human, Profile Books 20 10. Suzan Herculano-Houzel. (2016) The Human Advantage: A NewUnderstanding of how our Brain became Remarkable, MIT Press 11. Jared Diamond. (2013) The World Until Yesterday, Penguin 12. Chris Stringer. (2011) The Origin of Our Species, Allen Lane 13. Yuval N. Hariri. (2011) Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind, Vintage Books 14. Hugh Thomas. (1981) An Unfinished History of the World, Pan 15. David Lands. (1969) The Unbound Prometheus, PS of University of Cambridge 16. Antonio Domasio. (2004) Looking for Spinosa, Vintage 17. Marc Imhoff and Lahouari Bounoua. (2006) Exploring global patterns of net primary production carbon supply and demand using satellite observations and statistical data. J Geophys. Res.: Atmospheres. 18. Ian Morris. (2011) Why The West Rules For Now, Profile Books. 19. Earl Cook. (1971)The Flow of Energy in an Industrial Society, Scientific American 225:3, Sept. 20. David JC Mackay. (2008) Sustainable Energy – Without the hot air, UIT, Cambridge 21. IPCC 5th Assessment (2016) Synthesis Report 22. Pierre Friendlingstein et al., (2014) Persistent Growth of CO2 Emissions and Implications for Reaching Climate Targets, (2014) Nature Geoscience 7, t.709 23. Michael Raupach et al., (2014) Sharing a Quota on Cumulative Carbon Emissions, Nature Climate Change 4, t. 873 24. R. Gareth Wyn Jones. (2013) Croesi’r Ffiniau neu Geisio Paradeim newydd. Y Traethodydd, Ionawr ac Ebrill a Overshooting Limits: Seeking a New Paradigm. (2012) in ‘Wales’ Central Organising Principle’. Eds. Nichol and Osmond, IWA https://books.google.co.uk/books?id=4xr_F9fOZV0C&pg=PA69&lpg=PA69&dq=oversho oting+limits+gareth+wyn+jones&source=bl&ots=fpiqTPZudz&sig=rhP2CP07j8NTpEtQPyg JPQ4JAK0&hl=en&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwig7e7HwojTAhXMLcAKHejdDwAQ6AEIIDAB#v=on epage&q=overshooting%20limits%20gareth%20wyn%20jones&f=false 25. R. Gareth Wyn Jones. (2015) ‘Y Storom Berffaith’. Y Faner Newydd, Rhagfyr.